[WSMDiscuss] Social Media in movement…, India in movement…, Politics in movement… : Kerala’s WhatsApp hartal [shutdown strike] (N P Chekkutty, on The Hoot)

[Chekkutty N.P]

Thanks Jai Sen and Anna Harris for the valuable comments.

On Thu, 26 Apr 2018, 13:00 Anna Harris, <anna at shsh.co.uk> wrote:

> It is interesting that this report concentrates on the role of the social
> media, 'how far social media platforms are in a position to dictate public
> affairs', and the need for 'appropriate action to strengthen a responsible
> approach'.
>
> It could be read in a different way, as young people genuinely raising
> their voices (as happened recently in US against gun laws). 'It is likely
> that they came out into the streets genuinely infuriated by the terrible
> violence perpetrated on the little girl.' 'a Muslim community leader said
> the media images of the Kathua violence evidently had a deep and emotional
> impact on the youngsters who had taken it not only as a rape of a child,
> but as a deliberate assault on a community.'
>
> 'Kerala, however, cannot be dubbed a place with weak institutions or a
> fragile history of communal peace. It has a strong history of social
> cohesion, a vibrant civil society, a vigilant media and a strong political
> establishment. *And yet a few youngsters with a smart phone were able to
> play havoc with its social fabric.'*
>
> I have no personal knowledge of the situation in Kerala, but is it perhaps
> possible that these young people were able to give a glimpse into what
> really lies beneath the surface of this social cohesion? When law and order
> becomes the priority it is easy to dismiss such voices as 'mischief
> makers'. Young people are discovering how social media empowers them, and I
> think we need to listen to them.
>
>
>
> On 26 Apr 2018, at 07:13, JS CACIM <jai.sen at cacim.net> wrote:
>
> Thursday, April 26, 2018
>
> *Social Media in movement…, India in movement…, Politics in movement…*
>
> [The roles of social media in movement and irruption continue to unfold.
> Here, where it seems to have been used for the opposite of liberatory
> purposes – and to have created violence and havoc in a part of the world
> that has a long tradition of militant political action, and has therefore
> perhaps punctured the delicate balance that had been arrived at there
> between order and disruptive disorder.  But where in principle, this also
> then raises all sorts of questions – for movements - about boundaries :
>
> *Kerala’s WhatsApp hartal *[shutdown strike]
>
> N P Chekkutty, on The Hoot
>
> “Hartals are quite common here [in Kerala].  The latest count suggests
> that more than 200 hartals have taken place in recent years. They are
> generally organised by political parties, communal organisations,
> professional and trade bodies, and other groups. On such occasions, people
> normally keep indoors to avoid moving around. Outbreaks of violence are
> stray and generally kept under control by the authorities.
>
> “But the April 16 hartal was unusual: it was planned and executed by a few
> individuals using WhatsApp and it caused a serious eruption of violence and
> damage to public and private property. It also provoked a clamp down of
> prohibitory orders for a few days by the police in a number of towns and
> cities in the northern parts of Kerala, such as the municipal towns of
> Tanur, Tirur and Parappanangadi in Malappuram district and the city of
> Calicut in Kozhikode district.
>
> “The incidents are unusual in many ways and call for a serious study of
> the impact of social media platforms in a communally volatile region like
> Malabar where a major flare-up of violence  erupted. The police have now
> established a pattern to the incidents of violence and it appears they were
> engineered with a view to triggering a communal conflagration in a state
> known for good relations among Hindus and minority Muslims and Christians.”
>
>
>             Thanks for writing and posting this, N P Chekkutty.
>
>             JS
>
> Kerala’s WhatsApp hartal
> BY N. P. CHEKKUTTY <http://thehoot.org/author/npchekkutty->*|* IN Regional
> Media <http://thehoot.org/media-watch/regional-media>*|* 25/04/2018
>
> http://thehoot.org/media-watch/regional-media/keralas-whatsapp-hartal-10610
> <http://thehoot.org/story_popup/keralas-whatsapp-hartal-10610>
> <http://facebook.com/sharer.php?u=http%3A%2F%2Fthehoot.org%2Fmedia-watch%2Fregional-media%2Fkeralas-whatsapp-hartal-10610&t=>
> <http://twitter.com/share?url=http%3A%2F%2Fthehoot.org%2Fmedia-watch%2Fregional-media%2Fkeralas-whatsapp-hartal-10610&text=Kerala%E2%80%99s+WhatsApp+hartal>
> <https://plus.google.com/share?url=http%3A%2F%2Fthehoot.org%2Fmedia-watch%2Fregional-media%2Fkeralas-whatsapp-hartal-10610>
> Kerala youths were drawn into violent protests over the Kathua case by
> anonymous WhatsApp calls made by shadowy forces with ulterior motives
> N. P. CHEKKUTTY reports
> The Week
> <http://thehoot.org/media-watch/regional-media/keralas-whatsapp-hartal-10610>
>
>
> The Kerala police are now investigating an unusual incident of a public
> hartal
> <https://www.theweek.in/news/%20india/2018/04/21/former-rss-%20activist-held-for-fake-hartal-%20call-kerala-on-whatsapp.html> [shutdown
> strike] called by unnamed forces, that triggered huge violence in many
> parts of the state a few days ago over the rape and murder of the eight
> year girl from the Bakharwal community in Jammu. The hartal took place on
> April 16, Monday, immediately after the auspicious occasion of Vishu, the
> Hindu new year’s day, April 14.
>
> Hartals are quite common here [in Kerala].  The latest count suggests that
> more than 200 hartals have taken place in recent years. They are generally
> organised by political parties, communal organisations, professional and
> trade bodies, and other groups. On such occasions, people normally keep
> indoors to avoid moving around. Outbreaks of violence are stray and
> generally kept under control by the authorities.
>
> But the April 16 hartal was unusual: it was planned and executed by a few
> individuals using WhatsApp and it caused a serious eruption of violence and
> damage to public and private property. It also provoked a clamp down of
> prohibitory orders for a few days by the police in a number of towns and
> cities in the northern parts of Kerala, such as the municipal towns of
> Tanur, Tirur and Parappanangadi in Malappuram district and the city of
> Calicut in Kozhikode district.
>
> Violence was reported from almost all the northern districts and,
> according to local media reports, more than 2,000 cases have been
> registered by the police and around 1,000 youngsters rounded up and put in
> jails in districts like Malappuram, Kozhikode and Kannur.
>
> The incidents are unusual in many ways and call for a serious study of the
> impact of social media platforms in a communally volatile region like
> Malabar where a major flare-up of violence  erupted. The police have now
> established a pattern to the incidents of violence and it appears they were
> engineered with a view to triggering a communal conflagration in a state
> known for good relations among Hindus and minority Muslims and Christians.
>
> "It was not surprising that the mischief-mongers could play havoc in the
> brief intermission of 48 hours when the daily newspapers were away from the
> scene"
>
>
>
> The second aspect that emerges from the way things played out is the
> significance of traditional mainstream newspapers in upholding and
> maintaining the values of social unity, based on the principles of
> secularism and communal peace.  It was not surprising that the
> mischief-mongers could play havoc in the brief intermission of 48 hours
> when the daily newspapers were away from the scene.
>
> A third aspect is the failure of the visual media, despite the presence of
> more than half a dozen news outlets (focused largely on sensation and
> trivia) in identifying the rumblings in the aftermath of the sensitive
> developments over the Kathua crime at the national level earlier in the
> week and countering the communal propaganda on social media in order to
> protect people from scandal mongers and their divisive tactics.
>
> April 14th being Vishu holiday, no morning newspaper printed in Kerala had
> come out the next day and hence there were no reports on the plans already
> afoot for the next day’s hartal. The police intelligence department and the
> round-the-clock news channels in the region also failed to take note of it
> on Sunday.
>
> In fact on Monday, the day started rather normal despite rumours of
> violence in some places, but soon unruly crowds took over the streets,
> stoning shops and buses and in a short while it was a complete shut-down in
> many northern towns. It was only then the police swung into action, chasing
> away the trouble-makers and persuading shoppers and bus operators to remain
> in business, that calm returned.
>
> The WhatsApp messages came from a few groups such as Justice for Sisters
> and Voice of Youth, purportedly demanding justice for the Kathua vicitm.
> Originally, the social media group set up on April 14 was named after the
> Bakharwal Muslim girl, but was changed later when the Delhi High Court’s
> notice to some news organisations against naming the victim became known.
>
> The messages called for a hartal in protest and once the public response
> became prolific, separate groups were set up for various districts, managed
> by a team of super admins who issued instructions as voice messages. The
> police have found a series of voice messages that called for a second round
> of violence all over the state, issued after the hartal on April 16 evoked
> a response mainly in the northern Malabar districts.
>
> The voice messages called for direct attacks against the police and seem
> to have been intent upon a serious breakdown of law and order as well as
> damage to amiable social relations among the various communities.
>
> It is still not clear what really prompted the five young men now under
> arrest to set up the social media groups and call for a hartal and
> violence. Was it just a prank or a deliberate attempt on the part of some
> evil forces to divide people and foment violence?
>
> An answer might be available only after the inquiries are over. It is
> officially acknowledged that of the five youths under arrest
> <https://english.manoramaonline.com/news/kerala/2018/04/21/hartal-call-through-whatsapp-teena-admins-arrested.html>,
> the leader, Amarnath Baiju, 21, of Kollam district, has been associated
> with the RSS until a few months ago, while the others, all from
> Thiruvananthapuram district, were also linked to various Sangh Parivar
> outfits. But so far there is no evidence that this was part of a larger
> conspiracy, as is being alleged by certain sections in the media.
>
> Hence, the real question is how far social media platforms are in a
> position to dictate public affairs in a state like Kerala, known for its
> high levels of political activity, deep penetration of mainstream media
> including the highly influential morning newspapers, and a vigilant civil
> society alert to the need to raise its voice against the forces of bigotry
> and violence.
>
> "The leader, Amarnath Baiju, 21, of Kollam district, has been associated
> with the RSS until a few months ago, while the others, all from
> Thiruvananthapuram district, were also linked to various Sangh Parivar
> outfits"
>
>
>
> Looking at the political affiliations of the hundreds of people arrested,
> it is clear they belonged to various political parties. Most of them are
> Muslim youths, affiliated to, among others, the Muslim League, the CPM, the
> Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI), the Congress party, etc. Some are
> with no known political affiliations.
>
> It is likely that they came out into the streets genuinely infuriated by
> the terrible violence perpetrated on the little girl. Going by the pattern
> of violence that copied the style of street protests in West Asia, such as
> tyre bonfires, they seem to have been influenced by the political protests
> based on identity/ethnic politics.
>
> Asked about the irony of Muslim youths being drawn into the streets by
> anonymous calls made by shadowy forces with ulterior motives, a Muslim
> community leader said the media images of the Kathua violence evidently had
> a deep and emotional impact on the youngsters who had taken it not only as
> a rape of a child, but as a deliberate assault on a community.
>
> This incident shows the extreme levels of social disturbances the social
> media can play in societies with complex communal patterns. Recently, a *New
> York Times* report (*Where Countries Are Tinderboxes and Facebook a
> Match, NYT, April 21, 2018
> <https://www.nytimes.com/2018/04/21/world/asia/facebook-sri-lanka-riots.html>*)
> on the havoc played by Facebook in South Asian countries had referred to
> instances of communal riots and attacks on minorities in countries like Sri
> Lanka and Indonesia.
>
> The report pointed out that in countries where institutions are weak or
> undeveloped and where there is a history of communal tensions, such
> societies are especially vulnerable. The authors pointed out that social
> media posts that tap into primal emotions like anger or fear seem to
> produce the highest engagement with social networks where such content
> proliferates.
>
> Kerala, however, cannot be dubbed a place with weak institutions or a
> fragile history of communal peace. It has a strong history of social
> cohesion, a vibrant civil society, a vigilant media and a strong political
> establishment. And yet a few youngsters with a smart phone were able to
> play havoc with its social fabric.
>
> This calls for serious introspection by society and for appropriate action
> to strengthen a responsible approach to the dissemination of ideas and
> information on the part of the mass media.
>
>
>
> *N P Chekkutty is  a senior journalist and political commentator based in
> Calicut. *
>
>
>
>
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>
>
>
>
> ______________________________
>
> Jai Sen
>
> jai.sen at cacim.net
>
> www.cacim.net / http://www.openword.net.in
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