[WSMDiscuss] [REDlistserve] Covid-19, the Climate Crisis, and Lockdown – an opportunity to end the war with nature (Vishwas Satgar)
Jai Sen
jai.sen at cacim.net
Wed Apr 1 19:35:08 CEST 2020
Wednesday, 1 April 2020
Just an interim note : Thanks, Ariel…
Jai
> On Mar 31, 2020, at 10:27 PM, Ariel Salleh via WSM-Discuss <wsm-discuss at lists.openspaceforum.net> wrote:
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> Jai
> In response to your urging, here's an account of ecofeminist politics as it speaks to a time when economies, societies, bodies, livelihoods, and ecologies are unravelling.
> Ariel
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> Ecofeminism -
> The Politics of Holding Life-on-Earth Together
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> Ariel Salleh
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> [Spanish version available online as:
> 'Una estratageia eco-feminism: militar por el agua, el clima,u las luchas post-desarollo' in Alberto Acosta (ed), Ecuador Debate, 2018, No. 103, 147-158.]
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> Reproductive labour is the foundation of every society. In the hands-on experience of such labour, mothers learn how to sustain biological cycles in the bodies they care for. Likewise, peasants and gatherers attune to and regenerate cycles in the land. These non-monetised workers are largely invisible in the global economy, and not adequately acknowledged in socialist theory. But together the three labour groupings form 'a class' whose time has come, by reason of their material skills in enabling Life-on-Earth.[1] This ecological feminist claim enjoins the call of development critic Wolfgang Sachs, for -
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> 'societies which live graciously within their means, and for social changes which take their inspiration from indigenous ideas of the good and proper life ... the task of global ecology can be understood in two ways: it is either a technocratic effort to keep development afloat against the drift of plunder and pollution; or it is a cultural effort to shake off the hegemony of ageing Western values and gradually retire from the development race'.[2]
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> Movements for Life
> The word ecological feminism is used widely to describe a politics that treats ecology and feminism as one struggle. It emerges when the conditions of life in urban neighbourhoods and rural communities are put at risk. Women or men can be involved in life-affirming labours, but since it is mainly women around the world who are socially-positioned as care givers and food growers, it is usually the women of a community that take environmental action first. Interventions of this sort are universal, regardless of region, class, or ethnicity; that is, they are uniquely intersectional. On every continent from the 1970s on, women responding to the collateral damage of post-World War II capitalist consumerism and development models started doing what they called ecofeminism. Whether opposing toxic pollutants, deforestation, nuclear power, or agroindustry, they always connected 'local and global'. German ecofeminists built their work quite explicitly on theoretical foundations laid by Rosa Luxemburg.[3]
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> The 1970s also saw an implosion of the 'new social movements' - anti-nukes, Black Power, Women's Lib, Indigenous land rights. Eventually radical ecology would be coopted by Green parties and technocrat professionals. Feminism was deflected by liberal individualism, and turned into a single-issue struggle for equal rights. The next phase of ecofeminism followed the 1992 Earth Summit, which intensified the global North's neocolonial policies in the name of protecting nature. Now a worldwide master plan of regional agreements opened the way for corporate mining of Indigenous soils and corporate patenting of Indigenous biodiversty. Ecofeminists like Vandana Shiva and others were present at the Rio Earth Summit, and did what they could to oppose the measures.[4] Soon the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change would force further concessions from socially vulnerable people.[5] The 20th century closed with the Battle for Seattle, where an international grassroots insurgence faced down the World Trade Organization. This broad movement of movements for a people's alternative to globalisation held its first World Social Forum in 2001.
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> If the expansion of neoliberalism demoralised manufacturing workers in metropolitan states by sending their jobs offshore to low-wage export processing zones in the global South, many folk in the geopolitical periphery had a different agenda. In Brasil, a vibrant Landless People's Movement was talking up eco-villages and food sovereignty. In Ecuador, the women of Accion Ecologia invented a concept of 'ecological debt' to describe the 500 year colonial theft of natural resources; the modern theft of World Bank interest on development loans; and the ongoing degradation of livelihoods resulting from economic extractivism. Justice with sustainability was also featured at the 2010 Cochabamba People's Climate Summit, which presented Andean ways of provisioning as an alternative to the wasting of life under industrial affluence.
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> Following the 2008 financial meltdown, globally aware youth named Occupy set up camp near Wall Street stock exchange, to rail against the capitalist class; in Germany they blockaded the Frankfurt banks. Another politics guided by life-affirming values surfaced in Mediterranean states resisting European Union austerity programs. Spain's Indignados prompted a variety of self-sufficient neighbourhood economies. Then at Rio+20 in 2012, business, politicians, and the United Nations Environment Program stepped up their Green New Deal proposition - a public relations exercise for the nanotech bio-economy; and again, ecofeminists challenged.[6] Later, academics would gather in Leipzig and Budapest to discuss degrowth, although the post-development work of ecofeminist subsistence thinkers like Veronika Bennhold-Thomsen was not yet recognised.[7] Today, the Brussels Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung working on Socio-Ecological Transformation is examining the convergence of ecofeminist politics with buen vivir from South America; ubuntu from South Africa; and swaraj from India.
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> Ecofeminists observe that under capitalist patriarchal culture, the enclosure and commodification of nature echoes the enclosure and commodification of women's labouring bodies. Classical allusions to Mother Nature are far more than metaphor. This is why a protective ethic of veganism circulates among ecofeminist networks and international meetings on Minding Animals are held.[8] Women across Africa whose lives and livelihood is threatened by mining near their villages have established WoMin, a continental anti-extractivist network with its own ecofeminist manifesto on climate change. In US Appalachia, mothers organise to take direct action against mountain top removal by the coal industry.[9] India's Navdanya schools for eco-sufficiency are 'banking' traditional seeds to save them from pharmaceutical patenting. In Sichuan, China, peasant women restore soil fertility by reviving centuries old organic technologies; and in London, housewives volunteer their time to repair the River Thames catchment from centuries of abuse.[10]
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> Water: the Real Bottom-Line
> When activists don't see how the logic of reproduction interconnects ecology, worker's, women's, and Indigenous' movements, a destructively competitive single-issue 'identity politics' happens, were the rights of one group are pitted against another. But when people work together to protect the conditions of life-on-Earth, cultural differences recede. If nurture is a universal human capacity, its material bottom-line is another universal flow: water.
> - Global climate stability depends on a regular water cycle
> - The reduction of atmospheric carbon by plants depends on water
> - Soil, plant, and animal health depends on water
> - Human bodies are mostly made up of water.
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> The governments and multilateral agencies that run the growth-oriented development model are in denial that the global economy is already facing a crisis of overproduction. More seriously, they deny that peak oil is about to be overtaken by peak water. The World Bank and even United Nations' Sustainable Development Goals promote privatisation of water supply. However, water protection by neoliberal markets is a contradiction in terms, since markets can only increase the value of a commodity by making it scarce! Today, 10 private companies control water sales in 100 countries, and they're known to hike water rates, cut services to the poor, and refuse infrastructure maintenance.[11] Since the emblematic struggle of Cochabamba citizens against Bechtel in 2001, South American communities have been leading the world in water politics. Venezuela and Mexico have strong grassroots movements for municipal ownership of services. In Europe, Spain is especially advanced in this.[12] Activists need to forestall corporate water grabs and future big-power conflicts over water, as a matter of urgency.[13]
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> However, a socialist strategy like public ownership of water is only half the story, because like liberalism, socialism remains an anthropocentric politics. Post-development communities will be 'eco-centric', proactively using the water paradigm to restore Life-on-Earth. In this, the global North can learn much from Indigenous worldviews and analyses grounded in women's care giving skills. Ecological feminist inputs are useful at several points in this transformation process - not least in deconstructing anthropocentrism. Ecofeminists point out that traditional Western institutions from religion and law, to economics and science, were designed to serve the world's 'first political order' - patriarchal domination. Unfortunately, 'masculinist entitlement' has become the international default position for liberals and socialists alike.[14] The wheels of globalisation are still greased by Aristotle's 'Great Chain of Being' hierarchy; an ancient discursive rationale placing gods, kings, and men at the apex of social life, having power over underlings like 'women, natives, and Mother Nature'.
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> The conventional code of Humanity over Nature, masculine over feminine, white over black, defines and limits people's life opportunities, so it makes good sense for feminist, decolonial, and ecological activists to expose it. The anthropocentrism of this dualism is not easy to shift though, because it is seeded over and over again in each individual mind with the socialisation of every new generation. The subconscious 'common sense order' of everyday life looks like this - and most people accept it as 'a law of nature'.
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> - Humanity over Nature
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> - man over woman
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> - production over reproduction
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> - economy over ecology
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> - capital over labour
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> - mental over manual
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> - subject over object
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> - mind over body
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> - clean over dirty
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> - white over black
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> - North over South
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> - Land over Water
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> The structural effects of this old mantra have shaped the direction of history. Women and conquered slaves would become mere objects; and under Enlightenment reason, nature and bodies are even conceptualised as machines whose parts can be controlled by mathematical formulae.[15] This life-alienated culture is indispensible to the functioning of capitalism. By patriarchal default, land is valued as solid, while life giving water flows are as problematic as women's embodied fertility - when not husbanded. Social entitlement is symbolised in Land Title, and secured from unruly waters by man-made dams, channels and drains.
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> Some 'water paradigm' advocates describe the masculinised instrumental rationalist drive to master water through law and engineering as the 'the hydraulic mission'.[16] Another disastrous effect of psychological dualism reappears in the mis-match between the reductionist metrics of economists and the living ecological flows that they try to measure. People may reject neoliberalism, but still take the mechanical industrialisation of nature for granted as 'the way to do an economy'. They do not grasp why this method of provisioning cannot be rationalised globally, regulated, or repaired. The engineering claims of European and North American ecological modernists are deceptively optimistic; and the aura of high tech innovation too often mystifies and pacifies potential critics of the political status quo. A digitised, automated future will not readily 'dematerialise' into justice and sustainability. Meanwhile, gestures like the circular economy or the transvaluation of care labour by feminist economists are immediately reabsorbed by the logic of capital.
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> Another Way of Knowing
> Ecofeminists have created an extensive literature, often taught in universities, exposing the roots of global ecological crisis in the institutions and practices of eurocentric and sex-gendered privilege. This work critiques the premises of knowledge systems, academic disciplines, even marxism, and social ecology. Ecofeminists offer an alternative epistemology, a way of knowing quite distinct from the instrumental rational manipulation of people and nature. But it is nonsense to say that they attribute women's political insights to an inborn 'feminine essence'. The source of ecofeminist perceptions is neither biological embodiment, nor economic structures, and nor cultural mores, although all of these things influence human action. Rather, the source of an ecofeminist epistemology is labour. as people make their understandings and skills through interaction with the material world - including human bodies. People who work autonomously, outside of the numbing industrial routine - care givers, farmers, gatherers - are in touch with all their sensory capacities; able to construct more accurately resonant models of how one-thing-joins-to-another.
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> The time frame of this 'meta-industrial' labour class is intergenerational, and thus intrinsically precautionary. Scale is intimate, maximizing worker responsiveness to matter-energy transfers in nature or in human-bodies-as-nature. Judgment is based on an expertise built up by trial and error, using a cradle to grave assessment of ecosystem or bodily health. The diverse needs of species or age groups are balanced directly and reconciled. Where domestic and livelihood economies practice synergistic problem solving, multi-criteria decision-making is a matter of common sense. When there is no division between mental and manual skills, then responsibility is transparent; the labour product is not alienated from the worker as under capitalism, but enjoyed in sharing with others. Here the linear logic of production gives way to a circular logic of reproduction. In fact, social provisioning in this way is simultaneously vernacular science and political action.
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> An exemplar of grounded epistemology in action is the South Asian anti-dam activist Medha Patkar, a world leader in getting people to preserve their water catchments for livelihoods rather than irrigated cash crops. But it would be decades before, in 2017, India's mighty Ganges acquired some rights of personhood. Also in that year, New Zealand's Whanganui River, embedded in the Iwi lands of the Maori people was granted legal standing. On the other hand, Australia lags far behind in river care, despite the fact that its Indigenous peoples honour land and water as one. So too, their notion of 'country' combines ecology with identity and belonging, respect, and a relational way of knowing. Among Quechua people of the Andes, the words sumak kawsay, often adapted as buen vivir, carry a similar blend of life-affirming meanings. In 2008, South American Indigenous challenges to neocolonial extractivism inspired Ecuador's constitutional notion of Pachamama, giving Rights to Mother Nature.[17] From South Africa to Britain and beyond, a new academic field of Earth Jurisprudence, also known as Wild Law, is helping to resolve tensions between the wisdom of such eco-centrism and the Western liberal language of 'rights'.
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> That said: jurisprudence and law remain in the world of ideas, whereas the water paradigm is material - politics in action. Potentially, new grassroots visions of an Earth Democracy can destabilise the trans-Atlantic hegemon with its grand technocratic schemes for Earth System Governance. But there is a way to go - not least because the United Nations' Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) rely on transnational water management.[18] The SDGs are described as a universal plan of action for 'people, planet, and prosperity' to take effect over the next fifteen years. In fact, the goals are expected to be met with continued extractivism, growing GDP through technology innovation and transfer, market deregulation, and more power to the WTO. Given existing ratios between GDP growth and income growth of the poor, it will take 207 years to eliminate poverty with the SDG strategy. This is because the global economy will have to grow 175 times its present size, even as it is already overshooting the planet's material capacity by some 50 per cent each year.[19]
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> Sustainable Development Goal 6.a calls for international cooperation and capacity-building for sanitation, water harvesting, desalination, water efficiency, wastewater treatment, and recycling. For climate, a parallel 'clean energy approach' hangs on the mantra of the 3-Ds - 'decentralisation, decarbonisation, digitalisation' - described as 'incubated' - in the womb of entrepreneurs and accountants, no less! The full 'cradle to grave' impacts of high tech problem solving: - energy intensive mining, smelting, manufacture, transport, and maintenance - are rarely factored in, even by exponents of the Green New Deal. The metabolic costs of that extractivism - soil erosion, toxicity, water wastage, and greenhouse emissions, are plainly incompatible with any idea of sustainable development - let alone post-development. What is sustained here is superficial policy, protected by la ong established masculinist culture of reductionism, psychological splitting, dualism, and denial.
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> Water for Climate
> On every continent there are emblematic signs, as practical water strategies defy development models based on the separation of land and water. Rain on bare land without trees to break its fall or humus to absorb it, erodes slopes and washes fertile soil to the sea. The water paradigm is about working with biodiversity and soils to hold rain where it falls, so rehydrating subterranean aquifers, landscapes - and indeed, the atmosphere. Money is irrelevant; labour is communal and hands-on using local stone, wood, and plants. In India, Rajindra Singh revived the local tradition of building of johads or mud swales across slopes to gather monsoon runoff, while Dhrubajyoti Ghosh fought to keep the rich metabolism of Kolkata's wetlands safe from developers.[20] In post-communist Slovakia, Michal Kravcik has encouraged jobless and alienated rural villagers to re-skill and regenerate food growing land by creating small scale water harvesting designs from abundant materials in their environment. Geographic, historical, and cultural conditions differ, but there is an exciting transnational convergence among these post-development moves. Similar experiments can be found in China and France.
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> A 'water paradigm' is already demonstrated in Ecuador by the mothers and grandmothers of the once development ravaged hillslopes of Nabon. With foresight and innovation, these women have achieved erosion control, water harvesting, soil fertility, and food sovereignty by planting to restore old catchments and streams. And in this, they have also done their bit for the global climate crisis.[21] By ecofeminist reasoning, peasants in livelihood economies, like many mothers in households of the global North, apply relational principles in their work to sustain metabolic cycles - humans are, after all, nature-in-embodied-form. The divisive eurocentric premise of Humanity over Nature has prevented many on the Left, even some feminists, from taking this marginalised labour force seriously as political actors. Beyond that recognition, water too has historical agency, as expressed in the self-creative capacity of life to organise, reproduce, sustain, adapt, and evolve.
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> In Portugal, the people of Tamera are designing their rural community precisely around this regenerative paradigm, with all its ecological, economic, political, and socio-psychological benefits. Their post-development bioregional commoning integrates environmental health with embodied health; sex-gender reflexivity with spiritual wellbeing.[22] In Australia, farmer Peter Andrews has recoupled carbon and water cycles on his land by planting to enable groundwater infiltration, to stop erosion, and to enhance fertility by keeping carbon in the soil - which itself, is a living organism.[23] This also serves to mitigate global warming, because well-watered ecosystems, not only prevent aquifer loss, ground salinity, drought and flood - but help to restore the global heat energy balance. Water paradigm practitioners point out that very year, 50,000 square miles of forest are cleared, and urban soil is sealed by paving, amounting to a further 20,000 square miles of dead earth. The drying-out of soil and air results in potential heat of 25 million-terawatt hours annually - 1600 times more heat than generated by all the worlds’ powerhouses combined.[24]
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> As any campesina knows, a tree is a natural solar driven air-conditioning system based on atmospheric water evapo-transpiration. It is a free cooling system, and one without polluting electricity generation. In evaporation, a gallon of water absorbs 2.5-kw hours of solar energy; so urban areas with no trees result in dysfunctional heat plates in the air above them. This disturbs the small water cycle that brings local rain, and in the atmosphere at large, random heating sets up the chaotic weather patterns known as climate change. Harvesting rain to restore local and global water cycles is basic to the water paradigm. Letting nature hold water where it falls also helps stabilise the rising sea levels that threaten small island states in the Pacific Ocean. The UN Sustainable Development Goals 14 and 15 recognise that climate is a complex non-linear system closely implicated with the functioning of water bodies. But the UN Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change favours reductionist science, silo thinking, administered by technocrats - not solutions that people themselves can use.[25] In this way, global climate politics is kept top-down, away from people's own capacities to act in any way other than as consumer citizens.
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> At the 2015 Paris climate talks, alter-globalisation activists agreed to join-up with land and water struggles. As the international peasant union Via Campesina puts it: our small scale provisioning is actually 'cooling down the Earth'.[26] Popular approaches to sovereignty and self-reliance honour models like the ecofeminist subsistence ethic, eco-sufficiency, buen vivir, swaraj, ubuntu, commoning, and degrowth. These political visions foster livelihoods, skilled jobs, solidarity, cultural autonomy, sex-gender awareness, learning, empowerment, and spiritual renewal. Nevertheless, making social change in everyday life will call for a determined effort to expose and eradicate old habits masculinist anthropocentrism.
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> A post-development strategy will be multi-faceted and synergistic as it rolls back the ancient dualist code.
> - It will replace Human ecological domination of Nature with reciprocity rather than control.
> - It will replace the class hierarchy of mental over manual labour with horizontal commoning.
> - It will replace sex-gender and racial discrimination by re-valuing marginalised regenerative skills.
> - It will replace top-down schemes for Earth Governance with ground-up bioregionalism.
> This is a politics of peace - post-capitalist, post-colonial, post-patriarchal, and eco-centric. As people reclaim their shared humanity-in-nature, so cross-cultural understanding will grow.
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> Post-Development
> Eco-sufficient economies do not externalise costs by exploiting others or externalising waste as pollution. This labour skill is indispensable to a future commons - and it is already practised by a global majority class of regenerative workers. The traditional socialist preoccupation with exploitive relations of production - critically important as it is - sidelined activist concern over oppressive 'relations of reproduction'. That said: there are passages in Marx, which might have described the meta-industrial labour class had his humanist focus been less narrowly eurocentric and patriarchal.
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> A class must be formed which has radical chains, a class in civil society which is not a class of civil society, a class which is the dissolution of all classes, a sphere of society which has a universal character because its sufferings are universal, and which does not claim a particular redress because the wrong which is done to it is not a particular wrong, but wrong in general ... a sphere which finally cannot emancipate itself without therefore emancipating all those other spheres.[27]
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> As ecofeminists have long argued, reproductive work creates relational 'ways of knowing' that counter the mechanistic violence of eurocentric instrumental reason. Unless radical politics is guided by the experience of the global majority who hold Life-on-Earth together - care giving women, peasants, and Indigenous gatherers, it will readily slip back into the kind of Enlightenment that treats the Earth and its peoples as an endless resource. Whereas the linear reason of modern industry cuts through the metabolism of nature, leaving disorder and entropy behind, meta-industrials who nurture living processes develop tacit epistemologies expressing an alternative form of human creativity. Such labour, freely appropriated by capital from both its domestic and geographic peripheries, is actually prerequisite to its very mode of production. That is to say, this unique class of workers exists 'inside of capitalism' when it's activity subsidises surplus value; yet reproductive provisioning also exists 'outside of capitalism', sufficient to itself. And that is why 'the meta-industrial class' has great strategic power in the international arena.
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> Right now, peasant and Indigenous peoples in the global South are a highly energised fraction of international politics. In fact, the 21st century seems to be undergoing a postcolonial denouement, albeit continually rolled-back by trans-Atlantic opportunism and colonial clones like the BRICS states (Brasil, Russia, India, China, South Africa). Grassroots projects like the Global University for Sustainability, the Systemic Alternatives think-tank, Radical Ecological Democracy Network, all testify to positive post-development moves. Ecofeminist voices demand this big-picture civilisation change too; but women's own embodied safety and emancipation remains problematic. Neoliberalism promotes a new divide and rule in the workplace and universities, as women are encouraged to compete against each other for the ranks of masculinist privilege. Like the worker's movement before it, feminism can be easily reabsorbed by capitalist patriarchal strategies of repressive tolerance, just as Indigenous movements may be subverted by empty government promises. For now, ecofeminists work patiently across the political movements joining the dots where they can.
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> REFERENCES
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> [1] Ariel Salleh, Ecofeminism as Politics: nature, Marx, and the postmodern. London: Zed Books, 2017/1997.
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> [2] Wolfgang Sachs (ed.), Global Ecology. London: Zed Books, 1994, pp. 4-11.
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> [3] Maria Mies, Patriarchy and Accumulation on a World Scale. London: Zed Books, 1986; Rosa Luxemburg, The Accumulation of Capital. London: Routledge, 2003/1913.
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> [4] Vandana Shiva, Staying Alive: Women, Ecology, and Development. London: Zed Books, 1987; Maria Inacia d'Avila and Naomi de Vasconcelos (eds.), Ecologia Feminismo. Rio de Janeiro: EICOS-UFRJ, 1993.
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> [5] Ana Isla, 'Who Pays for Kyoto Protocol?' in Ariel Salleh (ed.), Eco-Sufficiency & Global Justice: Women write political ecology. London: Zed Books, 2009.
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> [6] Ariel Salleh, 'Green Economy or Green Utopia? Rio+20 and the Reproductive Labor Class', Journal of World Systems Research, 2012, Vol. 18, No. 2, 141-145.
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> [7] Veronika Bennholdt-Thomsen and Maria Mies, The Subsistence Perspective. London: Zed Books, 1999; Vandana Shiva, Earth Democracy: Justice, Sustainability, and Peace. London: Zed Books, 2005.
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> [8] Marti Kheel, Nature Ethics. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2008; Pattrice Jones, 'Liberation as Connection and the Decolonization of Desire' in Breeze Harper (ed.), Sistah Vegan: Black Female Vegans Speak on Food, Identity, Health, and Society. Brooklyn: Lantern, 2010.
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> [9] Wo-Min: 'African Women Unite Against Resource Extraction': www.womin.org.za <http://www.womin.org.za/>; Shannon Bell, Our Roots Run Deep as Iron Weed. Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2013.
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> [10] Navdanya: www.navdanya.org/; Chan Shun Hing: http://our-global-u.org <http://our-global-u.org/>; Pamela Odih, Watersheds in Marxist Ecofeminism. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars, 2014.
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> [11] Maude Barlow and Tony Clarke, 'Water privatization', Global Policy Forum, 2004: www.globalpolicy.org
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> [12] Lavinia Steinfort, Satoko Kishimoto, and Denis Burke, '10 Rousing Struggles for Public Water', Transnational Institute Newsletter, 22 March 2017: http://www.tni.org.
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> [13] Amanda Froelich, 'Coca-Cola And Nestlé To Privatize The Largest Reserve of Water In South America', The Dawn News, 5 February 2018.
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> [14] Denise Thompson, Masculinity and the Ruling of the World: http://denisethompsonfeminism.wordpress.com/.
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> [15] Carolyn Merchant, The Death of Nature: Women, Ecology and the Scientific Revolution. New York: Harper, 1980.
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> [16] Michal Kravčík, Jan Pokorný, Juraj Kohutiar, Kováč, Martin and Eugen Tóth, Water for the Recovery of the Climate: A New Water Paradigm. Košice, SL: Krupa Print, 2008: www.waterparadigm.org.
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> [17] Alberto Acosta, 'Los derechos de la naturaleza, nueva formas de ciudadania y la Buena Vida. Ecos de la Constitucion de Montecristi'. corrientes criticas Fundacion Dag Hammarskjold, Serie Documentos Ocasionales, No. 7, Noviembre 2009.
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> [18] United Nations Sustainable Development Knowledge Platform, Transforming our world: The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development: www.sustainabledevelopment.un.otg/post2015/
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> [19] Jason Hickel, 'The Problem with Saving the World', Jacobin Magazine, 8 August 2015; see also Peggy Antrobus, 'Mainstreaming trade and millennium development goals?', in Ariel Salleh (ed.), Eco-Sufficiency & Global Justice: Women write political ecology. London: Pluto Press, 2009.
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> [20] Anil Agrawal and Sunita Narian (eds.), Dying Wisdom: Rise, Fall, and Potential of India's Traditional Water Harvesting Systems. New Delhi: Centre for Science and Environment, 1997; Patrick Barkham, 'The Miracle of Kolkata's Wetlands and One Man's Struggle to Save Them', Environment and Ecology, 21 July 2016: http://vikalpsangam.org.
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> [21] Neema Pathak Broome and Ashish Kothari, 'How an Ecuadorian Community is Showing Its Government How to Really Live Well', radicalecologicaldemocracy.org, 16 December 2017.
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> [22] Tamera Peace Research Center | Environmental Education Media: <eempc.org/healing-biotope-tamera-portugal/>
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> [23] Andrews, P. Back from the Brink. How Australia´s Landscape Can Be Saved. Sydney: ABC Books, 2006.
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> [24] Martin Winiecki and Leila Dregger, 'Water: The Missing Link for Solving Climate Change', Terra Nova Voice, 28 November 2015.
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> [25] Ariel Salleh, Editorial: A sociological reflection on the complexities of climate change research', International Journal of Water, 2010, Vol. 5, No. 4, 285-297.
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> [26] Via Campesina (2009) Small Scale Sustainable Farmers are Cooling Down the Earth. Jakarta: Via Campesina Views.
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> [27] Karl Marx, Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right, in Tom Bottomore and Maximilien Rubel eds., Karl Marx: Selected Writings in Sociology and Social Philosophy. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1984, p. 190.
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> On 31 Mar 2020, at 12:57 AM, Jai Sen <jai.sen at cacim.net <mailto:jai.sen at cacim.net>> wrote:
>
> Monday, March 30, 2020
>
> Ariel, can I ask you to please spell out what you are saying here ? I suspect that many of us are not familiar with your work or the work of other ecological feminists, and the times we are living though are not ones where people have the time to reach out and look up terms and concepts they might be unfamiliar with – and so to comprehend what you’ve said.
>
> Since you've already written about this, can you not provide some links, or even extracts copy and pasted in here ?
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> Beyond this, yes, agreed,
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> Complex and holistic systems thinking, grounded in an ethics of care rather than war, has to prevail.
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> But *how do you think this change can come about ? How can an ethics of care prevail over the present ethics of war (and where I’m sure you mean ‘war’ also in a generic sense, of violence), and over existing structures of power ? (As I have also separately asked in relation to the statement that Ashish, you, and others have issued – provocatively titled ‘Can the coronavirus save the planet ?’.) I’m sure you'll agree that it’s not enough just to say that it ‘has to’… nor enough just to want this to happen, nor hoping that it will !
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> Last : I take it that you see what you have said here as a comment on what Vishwas Satgar has said in his essay, either supplementing it or perhaps being a deeper way to look at the ground he discusses. Can you please spell this out ?
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> I of course ask this only because of the depth and range of your work and analysis. And where I think your spelling out things can help us all to understand better what you mean, and take the discussion forward.
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> Jai
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>
>
>> On Mar 29, 2020, at 9:05 PM, Ariel Salleh via WSM-Discuss <wsm-discuss at lists.openspaceforum.net <mailto:wsm-discuss at lists.openspaceforum.net>> wrote:
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>>
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>> Complex and holistic systems thinking, grounded in an ethics of care rather than war, has to prevail.
>>
>> This is where ecological feminists are able to help you find the way …
>>
>> Ariel
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> Begin forwarded message:
>>
>> From: Jai Sen <jai.sen at cacim.net <mailto:jai.sen at cacim.net>>
>> Subject: [REDlistserve] Covid-19, the Climate Crisis, and Lockdown – an opportunity to end the war with nature (Vishwas Satgar)
>> Date: 29 March 2020 at 5:17:09 AM AEDT
>> To: Post WSMDiscuss <wsm-discuss at lists.openspaceforum.net <mailto:wsm-discuss at lists.openspaceforum.net>>, Post Crisis of Civilisation and Alternative Paradigms <crisis-de-civilizacion-y-paradigmas-alternativos at googlegroups.com <mailto:crisis-de-civilizacion-y-paradigmas-alternativos at googlegroups.com>>, Post Social Movements Riseup <social-movements at lists.riseup.net <mailto:social-movements at lists.riseup.net>>, Post Take The Commons <takethecommonsmedia at lists.riseup.net <mailto:takethecommonsmedia at lists.riseup.net>>, Post RED <radical_ecological_democracy at googlegroups.com <mailto:radical_ecological_democracy at googlegroups.com>>, Post WRI Climate Change <climatechange at lists.wri-irg.org <mailto:climatechange at lists.wri-irg.org>>, Post CJN! <cjn at lists.riseup.net <mailto:cjn at lists.riseup.net>>, Post India Climate Justice <indiaclimatejustice at googlegroups.com <mailto:indiaclimatejustice at googlegroups.com>>, Post Debate <Debate-list at fahamu.org <mailto:Debate-list at fahamu.org>>, Post Vikalp Sangam <vikalp-sangam-list at googlegroups.com <mailto:vikalp-sangam-list at googlegroups.com>>
>> Cc: JS <jai.sen at cacim.net <mailto:jai.sen at cacim.net>>, Nivedita Menon <niveditamenon2001 at yahoo.co.uk <mailto:niveditamenon2001 at yahoo.co.uk>>
>>
>> Saturday, March 28, 2020
>>
>> Viruses in movement…, Climate in movement…, Mother Earth in movement…, Ideas in movement…
>>
>> [Thanks, Nivi and others at Kafila, for posting this ! A great essay !
>>
>> With the coronavirus, we are really trying to mitigate the revenge blow from nature. It’s a moment to be humble and realise our finitude in a wondrous and infinite natural order….
>>
>> [Though his conclusion, even if attractive and hopeful, seems to me – if he’s referring to state-nations – to be super optimistic :
>>
>> Complex and holistic systems thinking, grounded in an ethics of care rather than war, has to prevail. Put differently, if Covid 19 helps jettison the Thatcherite neoliberal subject – competitive, greedy and possessive individual – for a more humane state of being and solidarity-based society, it would have produced our strongest defense against a crisis-ridden world. It would have also affirmed an ethics of care for our natural relations that nurture us, feed us and enable us to have life.
>>
>> [But perhaps he’s not talking to and about state-nations; perhaps he’s talking to the rest of us… But are we willing to see this, and ready for building our own thinking and actions on what it means ? :
>>
>> Covid-19, the Climate Crisis, and Lockdown – an opportunity to end the war with nature
>>
>> Vishwas Satgar
>>
>> https://kafila.online/2020/03/28/covid-19-the-climate-crisis-and-lockdown-an-opportunity-to-end-the-war-with-nature-vishwas-satgar/ <https://kafila.online/2020/03/28/covid-19-the-climate-crisis-and-lockdown-an-opportunity-to-end-the-war-with-nature-vishwas-satgar/>
>>
>>
>>
>> This post written by VISHWAS SATGAR was first published in Daily Maverick
>>
>> With the coronavirus, we are really trying to mitigate the revenge blow from nature. It’s a moment to be humble and realise our finitude in a wondrous and infinite natural order.
>>
>> Covid-19 has pushed an already weak and crisis-ridden global economy over the edge. Massive value has been erased from crashing stock market prices. Many commentators are talking about the return of economic conditions similar to the great financial crash of 2007-2009. The most powerful countries in the world from China to the US have ground to a halt.
>>
>> This pathogen, possibly from delicate creatures like a pangolin or a bat, has engendered the worst global pandemic since the Spanish flu (1918-1920), which killed 100-million people. Death rates are going up globally. Right-wing nationalists in Europe and the USA have been confused as this virus has jumped racist border regimes, and infected all populations. Citizens are no longer concerned about their racist messages, but rather about how to survive.
>>
>> Governments all across the world are seized with the challenge of protecting their populations, at least that is what it seems like given the people-centred rhetoric. The geo-politics of Covid-19, engulfing the entire globalised world in its rapid spread, is also a shot across the bow of carbon capitalism. Elite consumption of exotic animals, at high prices, in Wuhan, China unleashed the swift and lethal revenge of nature.
>>
>> This does not mean that this is a “Chinese virus” as the racist Donald Trump has suggested. We are all susceptible and are trying to live through the fear, paralysis and risks brought by this pandemic. Overnight, jobs have disappeared, paycheques have shrunk, loved ones are in critical health situations fighting for their lives and hunger is knocking on the door of many. Healthcare systems, weakened and commodified through decades of marketisation, have or will be overwhelmed.
>>
>> Yet the very same elites that caused the problem are not carrying the burden of the consequences of their actions. For climate justice politics, these injustices are not new. Elite use and consumption of fossil fuels is linked directly to extreme weather shocks such as heatwaves, droughts, floods and cyclones, for instance, which impact those most vulnerable the hardest. Yet there is no consequence for those responsible and the fossil fuel industry, carbon-addicted states, and the wealthy carbon-based consumers continue as though climate science does not exist.
>>
>> ‘Black Swan’ event, or worsening systemic crisis
>>
>> In the business world, Covid-19 tends to be reduced to a “black swan event”. A sudden or unforeseen happening, with great consequence and rationalised after the fact. The idea was initially popularised by Nassim Nicholas Taleb’s five volumes on uncertainty including the famous Black Swan, which has been described as one of the most famous books since World War II. While in his work, the concept has a richer philosophical grounding, it has become part of everyday risk management discourse. Business risk analyses missed the likelihood of a Covid-19 pandemic and it certainly was not a concern. Its occurrence, however, cannot be explained as a black swan event.
>>
>> From an ecological Marxist perspective, it has to do with the contradictory relationship between natural and social relations, has a historical genealogy within how eco-cidal capitalism works and can be causally attributed. Simply, for Covid 19, this means it’s a dangerous problem that is engendered by capitalism’s persistent domination of nature.
>>
>> It spread from a “wet market” involving organised crime syndicates, linked to shadowy global poaching, and smuggling networks that steal wild creatures from their habitats and place them on elite menus. Avaricious Chinese capitalism, with its appetite for resources and capturing markets, like the West, understands nature as a site of extracting value; nature must serve the juggernaut of accumulation.
>>
>> South Africans are now familiar with the appetites and reach of this capitalism due to the annihilation of our rhino population merely for their horns. Wet markets also exist in other parts of South and East Asia, and have not been restricted, leaving open the possibilities of new waves of pandemics.
>>
>> For many years, epidemiologists and environmentalists have been concerned about the public health consequences of such markets, given that animal to human transmission of deadly viruses is a known fact and has been implicated in avian flu (from birds), MERS (from camels) and ebola (monkeys), for instance. These animals are also traumatised and kept in unsafe conditions.
>>
>> In Brazil, Jair Bolsonaro has unleashed land grabs in the Amazon – one of the most bio-diverse habitats on planet Earth. Industrial farming, mining, logging and wild animal poaching are ending the natural protective barriers between human society and ecosystems, heightening the risks of pathogens spreading, but in this case also contributing to climate change, given the role the Amazon plays in a planetary ecosystem to sequester carbon.
>>
>> Climate scientists have already warned humanity that further warming of the Arctic, for instance, will not only release deadly greenhouse gases such as methane, but also pathogens that have been frozen into ice sheets. Like Covid-19, the worsening climate crisis and its global shocks, are not black swan events, but dangerous systemic crisis tendencies produced by a hard-wired logic based on the duality of capitalism versus nature. Science has provided us with understandings and warnings, and yet the global capitalist system persists in driving us towards harm and destruction.
>>
>> Carbon capitalism and imposed collective suicide
>>
>> A world led by those who place profit above human and non-human life, is placing us all in jeopardy. We are not given a choice as the eco-cidal logic of global capitalism destroys the conditions that sustain life. Our planetary commons – biosphere, oceans, forests, land and water sources – are all being commodified and destroyed to make a few wealthy.
>>
>> On a planetary scale, we are living through an imposed collective suicide. As neoliberalism becomes authoritarian and mutates into the second coming of fascism to defend the wealth of the few, it is revealing a simple fact: It’s not learning lessons about the harm it is inflicting. Instead, it wants to defend at all costs a life-destroying system.
>>
>> Karl Polanyi in the social science classic, the Great Transformation (1944), drew attention to such elite behaviour when the ship is sinking. In the late 19th century, based on marketisation through the gold standard, the world was driven into World War 1. Lessons were not learned and the world was again locked into gold standard marketisation in the 1920s, and this gave rise also to fascism and World War 2.
>>
>> This time, we are all dealing with the failure of capitalism’s conquest of nature through treating it as capital through financialisation. The science on biodiversity loss, climate and water, for instance, are all unequivocal that we are breaching limits and surpassing boundaries that endanger everything. At the same time, the raw and infinite power of nature is gathering pace. The present generation of young people understand the dangers of this very well. One of my former students, an extremely intelligent and sensitive young person, placed this public post on his Facebook page in the midst of the Covid-19 outbreak:
>>
>> Tonight, for the first time in a long time, I cried. I felt everything inside of me: the depth and immensity of my pain, my sorrow, my grief, my lament, my worry, my confusion, my longing, my despair – I felt it all and wept, wept for the sadness I’ve kept hidden so long, wept for the loved ones I miss so dearly, wept for the suffering and uncertainty of the world, wept for reasons I don’t even understand.
>>
>> Many of us weep for the collective suicide we are living through. This is not about victimhood, but about understanding the depth of crisis and the urgency to overcome this universal challenge of our extinction. It is a conscious knowing rooted in deep wells of pain, anxiety and existential suffering growing in prevalence among the young because of the collective suicide being imposed by financialised carbon capitalism.
>>
>> Greta Thunberg and many of the young climate activists in South Africa such as Raeesah Noor Mohamed, Nosintu Mcimeli, William Shoki, Awande Buthelezi, Jane Cherry and Courtney Morgan, to name a few, understand this. They carry their pain, their understanding of injustice as they protest.
>>
>> But is the present resistance enough? The cry of 1 degree Celsius movements – Sunrise Movement, Extinction Rebellion, #FridaysForFuture and the Climate Justice Charter process in South Africa – are all coming up against power structures and ruling classes not willing to break with the imposed collective suicide of financialised eco-cidal carbon capitalism. Yet in the context of Covid-19, not only are global populations shocked, but it has rocked, assailed and unhinged the very same power structure standing in the way of addressing the climate crisis. Covid-19 is forcing, even reluctantly, ruling classes to try to act with concern for life.
>>
>> Lockdown and the ANC’s epidemiological neoliberalism
>>
>> Covid-19 has thrown us into a state of exception. From a climate justice perspective, this is a dress rehearsal for a world that breaches 2 and 3 degrees Celsius in which climate shocks on a global scale imperil life-supporting socio-ecological systems such as food, water and health systems through unbearable temperatures. Waking up then is too late.
>>
>> This is the underlying premise of climate justice activism, given that climate science is telling us what is arriving with business as usual or low mitigation trajectories. With the Covid-19 crisis, our governments seem to be suddenly realising markets and corporations are not more important than human life. Is this the case?
>>
>> The disaster capitalism of Covid-19, as Naomi Klein reminds us, brings forth profit-making opportunities even from the suffering of the people. Trump is leading the way. His first crucial move was to build up fossil fuel reserves thus keeping oil prices bolstered, then he unleashed the privatised healthcare system and is now keeping pharmaceutical companies “free” to manipulate the prices of essential medical equipment instead of repurposing production through the Defense Production Act. However, this is not the end of the story and struggles inside US society will certainly determine if Trump’s epidemiological neoliberalism will triumph or not.
>>
>> In South Africa, we have been witness to a sea change from kleptocratic state and neoliberal austerity policies (including cutting billions of rands from health spending), announced by Minister of Finance Tito Mboweni, to cross-subsidise corrupted and failing parastatals, to the war on Covid-19.
>>
>> The country is going into this government-declared war with a dualistic healthcare system, with the vast majority dependent on a public healthcare system gutted by corruption, mismanagement and austerity. This healthcare system, with these specific features, is what is going to be overwhelmed not just by Covid-19, but by over two decades of ANC misrule. The lockdown of South Africa has to be understood in this context.
>>
>> Put more sharply, the warped rationalities of commodified healthcare for a few and failing healthcare for the many is clearly the frontline the government is trying to avoid in the country’s Covid-19 response. For most South Africans, in a state of shock and panic, this lockdown crash-landing of the economy on the wretched lives of a precarious working class and poor seems like the best response.
>>
>> Of course, this shock therapy has been administered repeatedly since neoliberal strictures informed the first democratic budget in 1994 and the macro-economic shift of 1996, kleptocratic neoliberalism of the Jacob Zuma project and now the new epidemiological neoliberalism of the ANC. In this context, the so-called China success story of shutting down Wuhan peppers government-speak.
>>
>> But the other epidemiological success story of South Korea is not referenced. South Korea did not lock down its economy, but put the emphasis on: (1) intervening fast through test kits produced (100,000 a day), on a mass scale domestically; (2) test early, often and safely (it has conducted over 300,000 tests), such that detection happens quickly; (3) contact tracing, isolation and surveillance, which has used smart apps, mass messaging and has prevented an overload on the healthcare system; and (4) enlist the public’s help. While not perfect and easily replicable, it’s nonetheless an important alternative to lockdown.
>>
>> South Africa’s lockdown has not been preceded by mass testing despite the two-month lead time the South African government had since the outbreak in China. Even as the country goes into lockdown, the costs of tests are prohibitive, there has been no clear communication about international partnerships to get testing going on a mass scale, there is no clear messaging on testing details and grassroots civil society has not been mobilised, despite its enthusiasm to rise to the challenge.
>>
>> Instead, the lockdown has shifted the focus to managing economic chaos, mitigation measures and privatised charity through a “solidarity fund”. Deep anxiety, fear and insecurity is running through society. South Africa is going into the lockdown as one of the most unequal countries in the world.
>>
>> The crisis of socio-ecological reproduction is deep as expressed through high levels of structural unemployment, intra-African income inequality, hunger and water inequalities (54% of South African households do not have access to clean water through a tap in their homes).
>>
>> Lockdown means South Africa’s precarious working class and poor are now responsible for solving the Covid-19 problem because they carry the burden. Lockdown is meant to save their lives while worsening their already wretched life worlds. Hence the ANC government is off the hook with this cunning move of epidemiological neoliberalism while taking Covid-19 disaster capitalism to a new level.
>>
>> Ending the war with nature
>>
>> Covid-19 is an expression of contradictory natural relations. On the one hand, it is devouring the most vulnerable in our society and, on the other hand, it is prompting humanity to slow down collective climate suicide. Carbon emission data is certainly going to register deep drops since the onset of Covid-19, with airlines, shipping, cars and other carbon-emitting technologies brought to a halt.
>>
>> Covid-19 has achieved what almost three decades of UN multilateral negotiations have failed to achieve. If governments can take the Covid-19 emergency seriously, they can take the climate crisis seriously. The UN climate meeting in Glasgow this year has to open with lessons learned from Covid-19 to address the global climate emergency. In this context, South Africa will have to tell its story to the global public. However, there is a lot the South African government should consider as this pandemic unfolds, including its war-on-Covid-19 approach.
>>
>> South Africa’s government declared Covid-19 a disaster in terms of the Disaster Management Act. It has unleashed an important coordination capacity in the state, preventative regulations, is disseminating information, has imposed a 21-day lockdown and introduced economic mitigation measures. The command structure is led by the president. The Disaster Management Act was not kicked into gear during the worst drought in South Africa’s history (2014-till now), which ravaged numerous communities, collapsed part of the globalised food system and pushed up food prices. Many communities still have acute water needs and are being challenged to maintain basic hygiene.
>>
>> As Covid-19 transmission spreads, water-stressed communities are going to be hotspots as these are poor communities and very likely to also have many with compromised immune systems. If the drought was handled properly by the ANC government, water issues would not have been a problem now.
>>
>> Moreover, if the ANC government did not get caught up in the tides of populism around the land question and listened to the South African Food Sovereignty Campaign, including taking seriously their Peoples Food Sovereignty Act handed over to Parliament, we would be sitting in the midst of Covid 19 with more communities, villages, towns and cities having localised agro-ecological food sovereignty pathways to cope with the current situation. Instead, we are living the drama of a war-centred crisis management approach.
>>
>> The war approach to Covid-19 is limited in three respects and holds out dangers for how leadership is practiced now and what capacities we build in this defining moment. First, war works with a simple logic. There’s an enemy, militarise (build war-making capabilities), mobilise your society in the effort and deploy this to destroy the enemy. It is a reductionist way of thinking; it is not a systems view of the world.
>>
>> Covid-19 is manifesting in our midst together with other systemic crises, such as economic crises and climate crises. Financialised capitalism has produced an unstable global economy and grotesque inequalities. It has not worked. The climate crisis is worsening with a lack of will to phase out fossil fuels and decarbonise.
>>
>> We are facing a 1.5 degree celsius increase in planetary temperature most likely in the next five years, accompanied by intensifying climate shocks. These crises are interconnected, cascade into each other and push our socio-ecological orders towards collapse. A war mentality does not appreciate the interconnectedness of all of this.
>>
>> Put differently, even if Covid-19 is addressed with war-like precision and the epidemiological curve flattens globally and in South Africa, we are not returning to a new normal. We are returning to a world in permanent crisis; a new abnormal. Hence, how we address Covid-19 and reconstruction after it, must lock in democratic systemic reforms that cushion us from more crises.
>>
>> South Africa will need an eco-justice stimulus package to tackle the impacts of Covid-19, the economic crisis and worsening climate crisis. South Africa’s climate justice charter is a crucial point of departure in this regard.
>>
>> Second, a war approach to Covid-19 is based on dangerous philosophical foundations. It continues the anthropocentric conquest of nature, central to capitalist thinking. Killing Covid-19 in this frame is about us being the dominant species. We demonstrate to the forces of nature our superiority. This is really a conceit which fails to understand that nature has been and will always be more powerful than us.
>>
>> Moreover, we are extremely dependent on nature as a species to ensure our reproduction. With Covid-19, we are really trying to mitigate the revenge blow from nature. It’s a moment to be humble and realise our finitude in a wondrous and infinite natural order. We are just one little part of a vast and delicate web of life. Ending Covid-19 should be about ending the war with nature. This includes ending wet markets for exotic animals, ending globalised industrial agriculture and rapidly phasing out fossil fuels.
>>
>> Third, the war on Covid-19 keeps us bound up in an ethical knot and derives from deeply oppressive ways of thinking. Violence whether colonial, imperial, patriarchal, racist or eco-cidal is not what the world needs. Modern industrial scale violence that is calculated, instrumental in its reason and deadly is breeding a fast violence from nature. A violence we cannot match. Everyday violence of poverty and structural inequality has to be addressed as we come out of this pandemic moment.
>>
>> Complex and holistic systems thinking, grounded in an ethics of care rather than war, has to prevail. Put differently, if Covid 19 helps jettison the Thatcherite neoliberal subject – competitive, greedy and possessive individual – for a more humane state of being and solidarity-based society, it would have produced our strongest defense against a crisis-ridden world. It would have also affirmed an ethics of care for our natural relations that nurture us, feed us and enable us to have life.
>>
>>
>> Dr. Vishwas Satgar is an Associate Professor of International Relations, Wits. He edits the Democratic Marxism series, is the principal investigator for Emancipatory Futures Studies and has been an activist for four decades. He is the co-founder of the South African Food Sovereignty Campaign and the Climate Justice Charter process.
>>
>>
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>> ____________________________
>>
>> Jai Sen
>>
>> Independent researcher, editor; Senior Fellow at the School of International Development and Globalisation Studies at the University of Ottawa
>>
>> jai.sen at cacim.net
>>
>> Now based in New Delhi, India (+91-98189 11325) and in Ottawa, Canada, on unceded and unsurrendered Anishinaabe territory (+1-613-282 2900)
>>
>> CURRENT / RECENT publications :
>>
>> Jai Sen, ed, 2018a – The Movements of Movements, Part 2 : Rethinking Our Dance. Ebook and hard copy available at PM Press
>>
>> Jai Sen, ed, 2018b – The Movements of Movements, Part 1 : What Makes Us Move ? (Indian edition). New Delhi : AuthorsUpfront, in collaboration with OpenWord and PM Press. Hard copy available at MOM1AmazonIN, MOM1Flipkart, and MOM1AUpFront
>>
>> Jai Sen, ed, 2017 – The Movements of Movements, Part 1 : What Makes Us Move ?. New Delhi : OpenWord and Oakland, CA : PM Press. Ebook and hard copy available at PM Press
>>
>>
>> SUBSCRIBE TO World Social Movement Discuss, an open, unmoderated, and self-organising forum on social and political movement at any level (local, national, regional, and global). To subscribe, simply send an empty email to wsm-discuss-subscribe at lists.openspaceforum.net
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> ** Inspired by the World Social Forum, WSMDiscuss – the successor to a list named ‘WSFDiscuss’ started in 2005 - is an open, unmoderated, and self-organising forum for the exchange of information and views on the experience, practice, and theory of social and political movement at any level (local, national, regional, and global), including the World Social Forum. Join in ! **
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____________________________
Jai Sen
Independent researcher, editor; Senior Fellow at the School of International Development and Globalisation Studies at the University of Ottawa
jai.sen at cacim.net <mailto:jai.sen at cacim.net>
Now based in New Delhi, India (+91-98189 11325) and in Ottawa, Canada, on unceded and unsurrendered Anishinaabe territory (+1-613-282 2900)
CURRENT / RECENT publications :
Jai Sen, ed, 2018a – The Movements of Movements, Part 2 : Rethinking Our Dance. Ebook and hard copy available at PM Press <http://www.pmpress.org/>
Jai Sen, ed, 2018b – The Movements of Movements, Part 1 : What Makes Us Move ? (Indian edition). New Delhi : AuthorsUpfront, in collaboration with OpenWord and PM Press. Hard copy available at MOM1AmazonIN <https://www.amazon.in/dp/9387280101/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1522884070&sr=8-2&keywords=movements+of+movements+jai+sen>, MOM1Flipkart <https://www.flipkart.com/the-movements-of-movements/p/itmf3zg7h79ecpgj?pid=9789387280106&lid=LSTBOK9789387280106NBA1CH&marketplace=FLIPKART&srno=s_1_1&otracker=search&fm=SEARCH&iid=ff35b702-e6a8-4423-b014-16c84f6f0092.9789387280106.SEARCH&ppt=Search%20Page>, and MOM1AUpFront <http://www.authorsupfront.com/movements.htm>
Jai Sen, ed, 2017 – The Movements of Movements, Part 1 : What Makes Us Move ?. New Delhi : OpenWord and Oakland, CA : PM Press. Ebook and hard copy available at PM Press <http://www.pmpress.org/>
SUBSCRIBE TO World Social Movement Discuss, an open, unmoderated, and self-organising forum on social and political movement at any level (local, national, regional, and global). To subscribe, simply send an empty email to wsm-discuss-subscribe at lists.openspaceforum.net <mailto:wsm-discuss-subscribe at lists.openspaceforum.net>
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