[WSMDiscuss] The lessons of the Indian farmers’ struggle (Sushovan Dhar)

[quincysaul]

Dear Jai,
Thank you sincerely for you continued detailed and enthusiastic coverage of this movement of movements!
Couldn't agree more that what the farmers of India are doing is historic, in both breadth and depth; an inflection point which -- however it goes from here -- may mark a before and after not only in India but in Asia and the world, if only we can listen and learn from it.

In breadth; encompassing not only the flashpoint of Delhi but all of India, with solidarity actions throughout such a vast country... and in other ways the whole subcontinent (as farmers in India lead the way of struggle through an agrarian crisis afflicting all of South Asia)... In depth; as the culmination of the very very long history of struggles from which this movement emerges.

Of course it is frustrating to see the lack of attention in "the media" to this. (Even from where I am writing in neighboring Sri Lanka, most journalists are doing more to cover the vagaries of the Biden administration than this vast movement with huge implications for the whole region. Even though there is a big trade union dispute over handing over one of Colombo's ports to Adani, covered regularly in the papers, there are no connections being made with the international stop Adani campaign, and its relation to the contested legislation in India, for example.) However, this silence is less of a surprise than a revelation and reminder of what we already know -- that "the media" (a few exceptional journalists notwithstanding) is part and parcel of this system of accumulation by dispossession, from which we should expect nothing more or less than silence, slander and contempt. This makes Jai's ongoing synthesis of reports from the front lines all the more valuable and welcome.

While trying to understand the breadth of this struggle across space, which Jai's posts nobly struggle to keep up with, I have been trying to understand its depth across time. Where and when does this movement of movements of Indian farmers begin? How deep do the grievances and demands go? Surely the roots of this struggle go back as far as the Green Revolution (witness the kilometers and kilometers of tractors); and really must also be considered to go back as far as the armed rebellions of farmers before the Green Revolution (associated mostly with Naxalbari, but also in many other places; and which shouldn't be seen in isolation or as any kind of exceptional deviation, but in world-systems perspective as part of the global uprising of 1968). And of course, but not always noted, there are deep currents of struggles going back to the struggles of Independence, and deeper, to millenial, pre-colonial times. This is only talking about 'farmer' and 'agrarian' struggles per se -- if we bring in the anticaste, trade union, Gandhian, socialist, communist, feminist, and environmentalist currents which pour into this watershed moment, then the true depth and breadth of this turbulence come into focus...

Perhaps these points are arguable, and I would be grateful for any discussion on these themes from anyone better informed or closer to the action. In the meantime I'd like to share a few things which provide historical context for this uprising.

1. Please watch this excruciating yet riveting documentary following the work of the implacable journalist P. Sainath, titled "Nero's Guests", following farmer suicides in India, which came out in 2009. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4q6m5NgrCJs
I will share one of his quotes from this documentary:
"What is the agrarian crisis? 5 words: 'The drive toward corporate farming.'

How is it operationalized? 5 words: 'Predatory commercialization of the countryside.'

What does it achieve? 5 words: 'Biggest displacement in Indian history.' "
While these farm laws signal a death sentence to Indian farmers, and are recognized as such by crores (!) who are mobilized in one way or another, on or off screen, we must also recognize that this death sentence is not new; that this is only the most recent and most blatant assault on the rural population, which has been condemned to annihilation not just by the BJP government but by the Congress Party also, in decades of economic policy which consigned agriculture (and hence the majority of the population) to the rubbish heap of history. Meanwhile, the fact that agriculture is the only sector of the Indian economy which didn't experience double digit negative growth since the coronavirus pandemic started, is the icing on the cake of contempt which the neocolonial Billionaire Raj has grown accustomed to feeding most of its citizens in the world's largest hypocrisy.

2. Read this haunting quote from the conclusion to a book published in 1993, which in greater detail outlines some of the problems with left intellectuals in India ; hinted at in a previous post Jai shared by Nivedita Menon:
"A specter is indeed haunting Delhi. It has been doing so for some time, in the form of the peasant-as-kulak, the peasant-as-OBC, and the peasant as obstacle to 'development'. It has been seen in the subdued but unrelenting intellectual opposition to the demands for 'leaving the surplus in the villages' raised in the form of the 'New Agricultural Policy,' in the hysteria unleashed over the declaration of the implementation of the Mandal Commission report, in the refusal of left intellectuals to see a critique of industrialism as anything other than backward-looking...

... But the point is that it is only from a centralist and statist perspective that a decentralizing thrust is seen as 'reactionary' and 'anarchist' in a stigmatizing sense; and it is only from a particular interpretation of secularism that any reference to community identity is seen as 'traditionalism'. Finally, it is only from a particular interpretation of 'class' and 'economic exploitation'; that the farmers' movement is seen as 'rich peasant' (or 'capitalist landlord!'), and that the women's movement, anticaste movement, and environmental movement are seen as dealing with 'nonclass' issues.

The political crisis in India is also a crisis in comprehension and articulation of the struggles that are going on. Politics remains at an impasse because as yet there is no political formation that is expressing the direction that is implied in the thrust of the new social movements...

And so, in spite of the astounding political change involved in the end of Congress hegemony, the country is drifting. Yet beyond the 'single point programs' dialogue is growing, and there are clear trends toward a new ideological-political formulation of a decentralized, ecologically sustainable form of socialism. If to many this is a spectre or a dreamlike wraith, to others it is the reinvention of revolution"
(Reinventing Revolution: New Social Movements and the Socialist Tradition in India, by Gail Omvedt, p300-301)

A final observation: this movement of movements has something to teach the whole world about fascism and electoral politics. Every continent has witnessed the ascent of fascist or proto-fascist politicians and parties through electoral politics over the last decade. But how deep does this popular support for fascism really go, and how stable is it, and might the winds blow in another direction sooner than later? Many of the farmers camped outside Delhi today voted for the BJP in 2019, including Rakesh Tikait, one of the emergent leaders. Combine the quote from Omvedt above with this analysis of electoral politics, and the picture that emerges is one of a huge mass base for a revolutionary ecosocialist government, if only there were an organizational vehicle to mobilize it... Or am I crazy?

We need to get a long running start, if we are to understand, let alone join, the LEAP which is required today, out of the catastrophic ruins of this system of looting, toward a new mode of production based on the defense of life and land. Picking up where Gail Omvedt concludes her book (quoted above) I am tempted to write something along the lines of "The Farmers' Struggle and the Emergence of Ecosocialism".... BUT what is needed most is concrete material solidarity, more than further analysis and conjecture. An ounce of practice is worth a ton of theory! If anyone has direct contacts with mobilized rural communities, please do share ideas and ways to support them. The subaltern speaks, loud and clear, there is not question about it. The only real question is, will anyone listen?

Thanks sincerely for your attention. Comment and criticism welcome!
Quincy Saul
Ecosocialist Horizons / Belipola Arboretum

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‐‐‐‐‐‐‐ Original Message ‐‐‐‐‐‐‐
On Monday, February 1, 2021 10:03 PM, Jai Sen <jai.sen at cacim.net> wrote:

> Monday, February 1, 2021
>
> India in movement…, Farmersin movement, Peasants in movement…, Resistance in movement…, Rights in movement…, Politics in movement… Democracy in movement…, History in movement…, Herstory in movement…, Studies in movement…
>
> [Here is a first set of what I think are some useful reflections on the farmers’ movement in India by someone – based in India, I think - who describes himself as a ‘political activist and commentator’.
>
> [As I’ve tried to point out before, I personally think that this movement (perhaps more than any movement in India in recent years), and the issues that it is raising, are both historic and civilisational in nature; and which is why I think that it’s extremely important – for all of us interested in and supportive of ‘movement’, and working for social justice and change – to try and comprehend this moment, to reflect on it, and to write on it. So thanks Fiona, for referring me to this article, and thanks Sushovan Dhar, for writing this. And I’d like to invite others on this list both to post articles that you think are useful – and that offer us something beyond the ordinary and tell us something about this moment – and, indeed, for those of us in a position to do this, to try yourselves to write on this :
>
> The lessons of the Indian farmers’ struggle
>
> Sushovan Dhar
>
> January 28 2021
>
> https://www.groundxero.in/2021/01/28/the-lessons-of-the-indian-farmers-struggle/
>
> The Farmers struggle and its partial advance has shown us the way. Strong movements from below can have the potential to take on the Hinduvta juggernaut much more than stitching electoral alliances. What will be the fate of this movement six months down the line? We don’t know but it is worth recalling the ancient Chinese proverb “a journey of a thousand miles must begin with a single step”, writes Sushovan Dhar.
>
> No other Republic Day witnessed such unprecedented levels of public claims over their nation. The streets of Delhi were enlivened with spontaneous marches of hundreds of thousands of peasants who wanted a serious say in Res Publica or public affairs. Within a bouquet of lame excuses intended to stop the peasant march, one had been particularly ironic. That this demonstration was a “conspiracy” to defame India before the world by way of doing a tractor parade in the capital on Republic Day. The struggling peasants proved that they held high the banner of the “world’s largest democracy” when the present regime is hell bent at trampling down and doing away with whatever democratic values are left in the country.
>
> Earlier, in an interesting twist to the tale, the Union government on January 20, proposed to suspend the three contentious farm laws for one and a half years and set up a joint committee to discuss the legislation at the tenth round of talks with farmer unions. However, Samjukta Kisan Morcha rejected the offer the very next day. It resolutely clarified the continuation of the movement till the three anti-farmer laws were completely repealed. The AIKSCC was also determined to carry out its scheduled Tractor Parade on the Republic day.
>
> A few days ago, the Supreme Court had expressed intentions to stay the implementation of the controversial agricultural laws while proposing to form an independent committee chaired by a former Chief Justice to “amicably resolve” the stand-off between the farmers and the government. Of course, there were serious questions about the “independence” of the committee nevertheless, the first signs of backing down were obvious.
>
> Government forced to step backwards
>
> Given its belligerent and antagonistic attitude of the present current government – more so after it was elected for the second time in 2019 – the Union Agriculture Minister, Narendra Singh Tomar’s announcement might have appeared a little unusual but not entirely surprising. The government hoped that this announcement would force the unions, determined to take out a tractor rally on Republic Day to rethink their months-long agitation and vacate their blockade of the national capital, tamely. Various measures, including threat and intimidation, to dissuade the farmers were tried and tested earlier but it was all in vain. In an attempt to discredit the agitation, a section of the ruling dispensation hurled accusations of infiltration by Sikh separatist elements. This foul play resulted in a backlash and the government ministers in charge of negotiations with farmers’ unions had no options but to dismiss the allegations, washing their hands off.
>
> The continued agitation by the unions, the imminent nature of Republic Day protests and the highest court’s refusal to ban it were just the immediate reasons for the compromise formula. A desperate and a last ditch effort to contain this growing agitation which can potentially spread to other parts of the country, more vigorously. The fascist brigade’s parent organisation, i.e. the RSS was also nervous about the indefinite continuation of this well organised protest. Suresh “Bhaiyaji” Joshi, the number two of the Sangh Pariwar, expressed his apprehensions about the stability of the government in the face of such resolute defiance, in an interview to the Indian Express.
>
> Can this be termed as a partial advance? Sure. Are there reasons to celebrate? Of course, yes. While it is important to abstain from being overwhelmed or getting carried over, there are enough reasons to feel confident about this collective action that has put the government on a back-foot. Certainly, the credit goes to millions of peasants of this country who relentlessly fought with their backs on the wall. The peasantry is clearly fighting for a control over its own destiny (lives and livelihood) against corporate control of agriculture ushered in by this government. Neither the deep agricultural crisis engulfing the country since the last three decades which has led to over 3 hundred thousand farmers committing suicides due to severe indebtedness nor the chronic rural distress which forces thousands to leave their villages to migrate towards urban centres in search of an uncertain future can be undone so easily. We surely need a larger political battle to overcome that but the current struggle is an earnest way towards that direction. It has instilled hopes in the minds of millions who want to fight this fascist regime and regain the democratic soul of the nation.
>
> The recent farm bills plus the new Labour Codes are attempts to carry on an unprecedented degree of reforms that gives the big bourgeoisie a free hand to run the economy. No doubt they are backing it very strongly. While the labour codes are an attempt to flexibilise employment by giving owners the right to ‘hire and fire’ employees and do away with minimum legal guarantees for the workers, the former can be seen as a response to the agrarian crisis from the Right. They are ably supported by the media and a pet group of economists – so impressed about the new farm acts – attempting to craft popular public opinion about the laws. Many have gone to the extent of heralding these laws as something that will revolutionise the Indian agricultural sector. Fortunately, the farmers are oblivious towards such enlightened counsel.
>
> The strength and the prestige of this agitation stems from the courage and tactical ingenuity of a movement that has a real economic base. It is an endorsement of the fact that the neo-liberal agenda, internalised by all political parties in India including sections of the mainstream Left, continues to be resisted from below. The resilience shown by the peasants, mostly from Punjab and Haryana, and their organisations are exemplary and frankly, much more radical than the politics of the existing Left parties.
>
> The crisis of the Left
>
> The crisis of the Left partially explains the relative lack of inertia on the part of the trade unions and the overall workers movement to come out in full support of the current protests. There have been minuscule attempts by workers to join in unison with the agitating farmers and one fears that they are squandering a golden chance to launch similar offensives, in their own interests, just when the iron is hot.
>
> Unfortunately, the major trade unions of the country are controlled by one political party or the other. In the absence of genuinely independent organising, these unions instead of acting as authentic expressions of the working class, function as the transmission belts of their “parent organisations”. Perhaps, this party-unionism explains the weak working-class response to the current farmers’ movement. Can the situation be reversed? Difficult but not impossible! Is it worth giving a try? Yes, we have no other choice! Without the self-organisation of the class it has already conceded a lot, as evident in the current scenario and historically too.
>
> This movement is very important for the left. While any attempt to see this as a peasant uprising to capture state power would be fool-hardy it is also not “a movement of only rich peasants” as per certain sections of the left or more precisely, some adherents of a stage-ist Socialist Revolution. The farmers are fighting for their immediate and longer term survival. It would be criminal for the left either to be steeped in deep sectarianism or squander this opportunity to form a redoubtable opposition to Hindutva coming out of their time-worn ideological cocoons. We must seize the moment and make all efforts to transform these protests into wider peoples’ struggles against the fascist regime and to give it an anti-capitalist character. The current momentum can be deepened by including the demands of various sections of working people. Demands for employment generation, food security and food sovereignty among others would serve to reinforce the appeal and strength of this movement among the masses across different regions. Pursuing these demands would not only help the movement to gain support among the working people, but it will also push the representatives of the sections of the rich peasantry to the margins. There is an urgent need to build solidarity with the working-class struggles going elsewhere.
>
> Post-script
>
> The current struggle also helps us to throw light on another important question. Can the fascist forces be defeated by forming electoral coalitions or are they best dealt with by powerful mass mobilisations from below? While not entirely ruling out the possible electoral scopes, we need to pay attention towards the evolution of Indian elections and the trajectory of the Right wing. The Sangh Parivar and the other Hindutva forces have maintained a consistent ultra-right direction since the 1950s unhindered either by electoral defeats or any alliance with “secular” forces. One vividly recalls the optimism of a section of the liberals when the extreme-right entered the Janata party to form the government in 1977. With Vajpayee as the foreign minister in Morarji Desai’s cabinet many saw the Hindutva project contained, tamed and civilised. History has treated such optimism with contempt. No electoral misfortune is enough to uproot this agenda and any genuine battle against Hindutva project must acknowledge this. A long-term political project to deal with it must be based on class struggle and our search for a lesser evil, i.e. relatively ‘harmless’ bourgeois allies, will act as serious roadblocks to vibrant opportunities for class agitation and mass movements.
>
> The Farmers struggle and its partial advance has shown us the way. Strong movements from below can have the potential to take on the Hinduvta juggernaut much more than stitching electoral alliances. What will be the fate of this movement six months down the line? We don’t know but it is worth recalling the ancient Chinese proverb “a journey of a thousand miles must begin with a single step.”
>
> - The author is a political activist and commentator.
>
> ____________________________
>
> Jai Sen
>
> Independent researcher, editor; Senior Fellow at the School of International Development and Globalisation Studies at the University of Ottawa
>
> jai.sen at cacim.net&mailto:jsen at uottawa.cajsen@uottawa.ca
>
> Now based in Ottawa, Canada,on unsurrendered Anishinaabe territory(+1-613-282 2900) and in New Delhi, India (+91-98189 11325)
>
> Check out something new– including for copies of the first two books below, at a discount, and much more :[The Movements of Movements](https://movementsofmovements.net/)
>
> Jai Sen, ed, 2017 –The Movements of Movements, Part 1 : What Makes Us Move ?. New Delhi : OpenWord and Oakland, CA :PM Press.Ebook and hard copy available at[PM Press](http://www.pmpress.org/);hard copy only also at[The Movements of Movements](https://movementsofmovements.net/)
>
> Jai Sen, ed, 2018a –The Movements of Movements, Part 2 : Rethinking Our Dance.Ebook and hard copy available at[PM Press](http://www.pmpress.org/);hard copy only also at[The Movements of Movements](https://movementsofmovements.net/)
>
> Jai Sen, ed, 2018b –The Movements of Movements, Part 1 : What Makes Us Move ?(Indian edition). New Delhi : AuthorsUpfront, in collaboration with OpenWord andPM Press. Hard copy available at[MOM1AmazonIN](https://www.amazon.in/dp/9387280101/ref=sr_1_2?ie=UTF8&qid=1522884070&sr=8-2&keywords=movements+of+movements+jai+sen),[MOM1Flipkart](https://www.flipkart.com/the-movements-of-movements/p/itmf3zg7h79ecpgj?pid=9789387280106&lid=LSTBOK9789387280106NBA1CH&marketplace=FLIPKART&srno=s_1_1&otracker=search&fm=SEARCH&iid=ff35b702-e6a8-4423-b014-16c84f6f0092.9789387280106.SEARCH&ppt=Search%20Page), and[MOM1AUpFront](http://www.authorsupfront.com/movements.htm)
>
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