[WSMDiscuss] (Fwd) Update on the EJ Atlas, "environmentalism of the poor" movement building and the critique of bourgeois economics (Joan Martinez-Alier)
Patrick Bond
pbond at mail.ngo.za
Wed Feb 24 08:00:04 CET 2021
(The EJ Atlas <https://ejatlas.org/> is invaluable, and its founder -
Barcelona political ecologist Joan Martinez-Alier - has far too many
excellent insights in this long assessment of the 3300-case project to
sum up neatly here. A few 'grafs are below, nevertheless, based upon
both "/the environmentalism of the poor which often overlaps or
intersects with agrarian, urban, feminist, indigenous, working class and
public health movements but has distinctive contents/" - and the EJ
movement's distinctive attack on eco-blind economics.
More power to Joan and the teams still working hard on documenting
- and advancing - all these courageous struggles, and of course to the
activists involved in ecological distribution conflicts, defending their
spaces and the planet:
/The collaborative maps from the EJAtlas provide an example of what
critical mapping can do to reframe the dominant cartographic
narrative. //Maps sometimes present a view of the environment as a
space dotted with strategic resources, which implies that their
management and exploitation are the main focus of land use and
resource policies, //looking at nature from the logic of so-called
capital accumulation (meaning resource extraction and dissipation).
The EJAtlas shifts the focus from what economic potential the
environment holds to the consequences resulting from its
exploitation and the resistance against the consequences//. In all
cases, the EJAtlas puts conflict in front and centre, and restores
the antagonistic dimension of resource control and management. What
the EJAtlas shows is that land and natural resource use cannot be
simply viewed as a matter of post-political technical management but
also of politics. The EJAtlas registers victims of extractive
violence, the dead, the criminalized,//the wounded, the frightened
and displaced by “the coercion present in natural resource
extraction”, “socio-ecological warfare techniques to control human
and natural resources”, “corporate counter-insurgency strategies”
and “state terrorism”.../
/ As ecological critics of mainstream economics since the 1970s
and 1980s, we thought that we were slowly convincing the public if
not the professional economists that the “merry-go-round”
representation of the economy was wrong. The economy is embedded in
physical realities. However, to our surprise, the recent novelty is
that, from industrial ecology and not only from economics, a
circular vision of the economy is also preached. The geologically
produced energy and the materials entering the economy are here
taken into account, and the waste is very much present, but it is
assumed that technical change may close the circle. The waste
becomes inputs. The energy (dissipated, or course, because of the
Second Law of Thermodynamics) is not a problem because it will come
from current sun energy (not fossil fuels, which are exhaustible
stocks of photosynthesis from the past). The circular supply chain
is supposed to rule physically the economy. We know however that the
actual degree of the circularity of the industrial economy is very
low, and it is probably decreasing as formerly biomass-based
economies complete their transition to an industrial economy based
on fossil fuels in India and Africa. //
/
/ As the pressure from the extractive industries increases on the
natural environment and human livelihoods, there are more and more
ecological distribution conflicts (EDCs). They often overlap with
gender, ethnic, caste, social class, geopolitical conflicts, and
hopefully will soon occupy a central stage in political philosophy
and politics.//Making old or emergent EDCs more visible through the
EJAtlas contributes to placing political ecology and
socio-environmental justice at the centre of politics, displacing
mainstream economics... //In environmental neoclassical economics,
the preferred terms are “market failure” and “externalities”, a
terminology implying that through forced commensuration such
externalities would be valued in monetary terms and internalized
into the price system. If we would wrongly accept economic
commensuration and reject incommensurability of values, then
“equivalent” eco-compensation mechanisms could be introduced.
However, in ecological economics and political ecology we accept
that there are value system contests. Institutional structures and
power relations determine which values can be expressed, and the
strength with which they can be expressed. The social actors in the
world movement for environmental justice display many different
valuation languages, their values are often incommensurable (at
least to start with) with money valuation of damages. Who has the
power to reject valuation languages such as livelihood, sacredness,
rights of nature, indigenous territorial rights, archaeological
values, and ecological or aesthetic values in their own units of
account? Who gives mainstream economists the power they have? Will
the visibility of EDCs help to subvert the power of economists and
the capitalist industrial system, changing the political agenda?)/
The Extractive Industries and Society
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/2214790X>
Available online 23 February 2021
https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author
Mapping ecological distribution conflicts: The EJAtlas
Joan
Martinez-Alier<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#!>
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2021.02.003
<https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2021.02.003>Get rights and content
<https://s100.copyright.com/AppDispatchServlet?publisherName=ELS&contentID=S2214790X21000289&orderBeanReset=true>
Highlights
• There is a world movement for environmental justice.
• Over 3300 ecological distribution conflicts are recorded in the atlas
of environmental justice.
• Such conflicts particularly occur at the frontiers of commodity
extraction and waste disposal.
• Political ecology studies such conflicts, and should be placed at the
centre of politics.
Abstract
This article describes the origins of the terms “environmental justice”
and “environmentalism of the poor and the indigenous” since the 1980s.
In 2012 the collection of “ecological distribution conflicts” (EDC) in
an Atlas of Environmental Justice (the EJAtlas) started. The EJAtlas
reached 3350 entries by January 2021. Such conflicts arise because the
industrial economy is not circular, it is entropic. Since the industrial
economy is entropic, it continuously looks for new energy and material
sources at the “commodity extraction frontiers”, and for waste disposal
sites. There are counter-movements of resistance, which become also
“valuation system contests” since the participants in such movements
(environmental organizations, indigenous peoples, peasants, neighbors
and citizens) display different values. Examples recorded in the EJAtlas
are given from different continents while answering the questions: Why
did the world movement for environmental justice come into being, and
which type of social movement is it? The relevance of the EJAtlas for
research on comparative, statistical political ecology but also on
business economics and management, is noticed.
1. Introduction: circularity, entropy and environmental conflicts
Georgescu-Roegen in /The entropy law and the economic process/ (1971)
and other authors before and after him (cf. Martinez-Alier 1987
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0061>)
insisted on the fact that the industrial economy is not circular but
entropic. This explains the growth of environmental conflicts at the
extraction and waste disposal frontiers. This is lesson number one in a
course of ecological economics and political ecology. Of all the
materials entering the economy (fossil fuels, building materials, metal
ores, biomass), by 2005 only about 6% were recycled (Haas et al., 2015
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0043>).
There is no reason to expect an improvement to have happened since 2005.
The low degree of circularity has two main reasons. First, 44% of
processed materials were used to provide energy and are thus not
available for recycling. Second, socioeconomic stocks were growing at a
high rate with net additions to stocks of 17 Gt/yr. In the last 120
years, the human population grew five times (from 1.5 to 7.5 billion)
while the inputs processed in the global economy (biomass, fossil fuels,
building materials, metals) grew approximately thirteen times, from 7.5
to 95 Gt per year (Haas et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0044>).
The economy is becoming less and less circular. The expansion of stocks
requires, once in place, a persistent input of materials and energy for
their maintenance and operation (Haas et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0044>).
Therefore the industrial economy marches all the time in search of
energy and materials towards the commodity extraction frontiers, and to
the waste disposal frontiers, often inhabited by humans and certainly by
other species. Hence the growth in the number of Ecological Distribution
Conflicts (EDC), and as a response the strength of the environmental
justice movement (Martinez-Alier, 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0071>).
The industrial economy is entropic (Haas et al., 2015
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0043>,
2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0044>;
Giampietro and Funtowicz, 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0038>),
therefore it requires new supplies of energy and materials extracted
from the “commodity frontiers” (Moore, 2000
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0081>;
Joseph, 2019
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0049>),
and it produces polluting waste. Therefore ecological distribution
conflicts (EDC) arise. The Global Atlas of Environmental Justice is an
online inventory of such conflicts based on scholarly and activist
knowledge. It reached 3350 entries by January 2021 (ejtlas.org) allowing
research in the field of comparative, statistical political ecology. The
EJAtlas is a unique instrument co-produced with and supporting
environmental movements. One can do comparative analyses on the social
actors involved in the conflicts and their forms of mobilization, and
also on the behaviour of private or public companies. Research may focus
on countries or regions but also on cross-cultural topics such as gold
and copper mining, hydropower and dams, oil palm plantations,
incinerators and other methods of waste disposal, coal fired power
plants, and nuclear reactors. Analyses are done also on the iconography
(banners, slogans, documentaries, murals) of conflicts in the EJAtlas.
I agree with Hickel and Kallis (2019)
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0046>
and other ecological economists in their critique of “ecomodernism”,
which I called “the gospel of eco-efficiency” (Martinez-Alier, 2002
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0069>)
because:
a)
We are not moving to a dematerialized economy based on services. The
services use materials and energy; and the money gained in the
service sector goes to material consumption (through salaries,
dividends for shareholders and their families). The material
structures of the economies change, no doubt, but there is no
“absolute dematerialization”.
b)
The world industrial economy is less and less “circular”, relying
more on cheap commodity extraction and waste disposal. “Green
growth” is a mirage.
c)
The sustainable development goals or Agenda 2030 are flawed because
SDG n. 8 preaches economic growth (measured by GDP growth) not only
in poor countries but also in rich countries. (Menton et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0078>).
One favourable trend towards environmental sustainability is that the
human population is likely to reach its peak by 2060 at 9.5 billion. It
was 1.5 billion in 1900. A slow process, 120 years since the
neoMalthusian Feminists (Emma Goldman, Marie Huot, M. Pelletier, P.
Robin) advocated /la grève des ventres/ at heavy political cost to
themselves (Ronsin, 1980
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0096>),
and since E. V. Ramaswamy Periyar in South India in the 1920s defended
women's freedom, collectively conducive to a lower birth rate.
(Martinez-Alier and Masjuan, 2004
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0072>).
We hear that economic growth is good for the people (SDG 8) and shall
soon hear that population growth is good for the economy. I have often
been blamed for supporting “bottom-up feminist Neo-Malthusianism that
raises the spectre of population control” (e.g. Nirmal and
Rocheleau, 2019
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0084>).
Never mind. Present trends are welcome. They will indeed open up a new
important research field on Depopulation and Environment.
Other social and economic trends are still negative for environmental
sustainability. Driven mostly by economic growth, the decrease of
biodiversity continues as the HANPP (the human appropriation of net
primary production of biomass) increases due to meat consumption and
“biofuels” (Temper, 2016
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0112>),
while the world input of materials to the economy (measured in tonnes)
still goes up (until 2020) though it might soon reach a peak. Carbon
dioxide in the atmosphere measured in the Keeling curve was 320 ppm in
1960, reaching 415 ppm by 2020 in its march to 450 ppm by 2050. True,
peak CO2 emissions and also peak extraction of materials (including coal
and oil but not natural gas) might be reached soon but descent from the
high peaks will be slow. Moreover, even a non-growing industrial economy
would require continuous new inputs of energy and materials from the
extraction frontiers because energy is not recycled and materials are
recycled to a very small extent.
At a time in which despite all the evidence to the contrary there is
much enthusiasm about the possibilities of an industrial circular
economy, it is necessary to explain the two senses in which authors
write about the “circular economy”. They could be teachers of
introductory microeconomics, or more recently they could be chemical
engineers and industrial ecologists.
Introductory microeconomics is often taught in terms of what
Georgescu-Rogen called “the merry-go-round between consumers and
producers”, a circular scheme in which producers put goods and services
in the market at prices which consumers pay; meanwhile, consumers (as
providers of labour, land or other inputs or “factors of production”)
get money from producers in the form of salaries, rents etc. and they
buy, as consumers, the products or services that have been produced. The
“merry-go-round” needs energy for running (energy which gets
dissipated), and it produces material waste which is not recycled. This
is left aside in introductory mainstream economics, or maybe it is
introduced much later, in the analysis of the “intergenerational
allocation of exhaustible resources” and in the treatment of
externalities which are “internalized into the price system”.
As ecological critics of mainstream economics since the 1970s and 1980s,
we thought that we were slowly convincing the public if not the
professional economists that the “merry-go-round” representation of the
economy was wrong. The economy is embedded in physical realities.
However, to our surprise, the recent novelty is that, from industrial
ecology and not only from economics, a circular vision of the economy is
also preached. The geologically produced energy and the materials
entering the economy are here taken into account, and the waste is very
much present, but it is assumed that technical change may close the
circle. The waste becomes inputs. The energy (dissipated, or course,
because of the Second Law of Thermodynamics) is not a problem because it
will come from current sun energy (not fossil fuels, which are
exhaustible stocks of photosynthesis from the past). The circular supply
chain is supposed to rule physically the economy. We know however that
the actual degree of the circularity of the industrial economy is very
low, and it is probably decreasing as formerly biomass-based economies
complete their transition to an industrial economy based on fossil fuels
in India and Africa (Roy and Schaffartzik, 2021
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0098>).
2. The environmental justice movement and the environmentalism of
the poor: a brief history
As ecological critics of mainstream economics since the 1970s and 1980s,
we thought that we were slowly convincing the public if not the
professional economists that the “merry-go-round” representation of the
economy was wrong. The economy is embedded in physical realities.
However, to our surprise, the recent novelty is that, from industrial
ecology and not only from economics, a circular vision of the economy is
also preached. The geologically produced energy and the materials
entering the economy are here taken into account, and the waste is very
much present, but it is assumed that technical change may close the
circle. The waste becomes inputs. The energy (dissipated, or course,
because of the Second Law of Thermodynamics) is not a problem because it
will come from current sun energy (not fossil fuels, which are
exhaustible stocks of photosynthesis from the past). The circular supply
chain is supposed to rule physically the economy. We know however that
the actual degree of the circularity of the industrial economy is very
low, and it is probably decreasing as formerly biomass-based economies
complete their transition to an industrial economy based on fossil fuels
in India and Africa As the pressure from the extractive industries
increases on the natural environment and human livelihoods, there are
more and more ecological distribution conflicts (EDCs). They often
overlap with gender, ethnic, caste, social class, geopolitical
conflicts, and hopefully will soon occupy a central stage in political
philosophy and politics (Charbonnier, 2019
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0022>).
Making old or emergent EDCs more visible through the EJAtlas contributes
to placing political ecology and socio-environmental justice at the
centre of politics, displacing mainstream economics.
The Chipko movement in the Himalayas in the 1970s (Guha, 1989
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0040>),
and the movement of the /seringueiros,/ linked to Chico Mendes in Acre,
Brazil, in the 1980s, represented two emblematic cases of
“environmentalism of the poor” when this notion was developed in the
1980s. Other contemporary examples of this type of environmentalism were
the Ogoni, the Ijaw and other indigenous groups protesting the damage
from oil extraction by Shell in the Niger Delta; resistance against
eucalyptus in Brazil, Thailand and elsewhere on the grounds that
“plantations are not forests” (Carrere and Lohmann, 1996
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0023>);
the movements of displaced people due to dam construction as in the
Narmada river in India (mostly Adivasi) and the /atingidos por
barragens/ in Brazil; and new peasant movements such as Via Campesina
against agro-industries and biopiracy. Ultimately, the sum of all these
conflicts in a world environmental justice counter-movement represents
today a powerful social force for greater sustainability.
(Scheidel et al., 2018
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0105>;
Scheidel et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0106>).
The EJAtlas is an outcome of and also a tool for research on the
environmentalism of the poor and the indigenous, and the global
environmental justice movement. I started this research around 1990 with
Ramachandra Guha and other colleagues (Martinez-Alier, 1992
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0064>;
Guha and Martinez-Alier, 1997
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0041>,
1999
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0042>;
Martinez-Alier 2016c
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0076>).
We argued (Martinez-Alier, 1991
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0062>,
1995
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0065>;
Martinez-Alier and Hershberg, 1992
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0063>)
against Inglehart's “post-materialist” thesis (e.g. Inglehart, 1995
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0048>)
which saw the origins of environmentalism in a cultural shift in rich
countries after 1968 expressed in new social movements that discarded
economic values in favour of human rights, feminism and the environment.
According to Inglehart, citizens prioritized environmental concerns when
they became rich enough not to worry about food, housing and shelter.
Environmentalism was part of this so-called “post-materialist” mind-set.
Instead, I argued that “post-materialism” was a “terrible misnomer”
(Martinez-Alier, 2002
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0069>)
because of two reasons. Environmentalism in rich countries, although
focusing sometimes on the “cult of wilderness”, had a strong industrial
material component as in the alarm against DDT, nuclear power, sulphur
dioxide emissions in the 1960s and 1970s. And, second reason, there was
a worldwide wave of an environmentalism of the poor and the indigenous
born of their own cultural values and from very material concerns for
access to land, clean water and air threatened by industrial growth and
plantations. From the early 1990s we disputed the views that the
environment was a “luxury good” with a high income-elasticity of demand,
and that “the poor are too poor to be green” (Martinez-Alier, 1995a
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0065>).
As noticed in the 1990s, there was a close relation between this
environmentalism of the poor and the indigenous in the Global South
(Guha and Martinez-Alier, 1997
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0041>,
1999
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0042>;
Martinez-Alier 1998
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0068>)
and the “environmental justice” movement in the United States coming
from the Civil Rights movement and fighting against ”environmental racism”.
The words “environmental justice” are used here in a sociological sense,
as they were first used in this movement born in the USA in struggles
against waste dumping in North Carolina in 1982 (Martinez-Alier et al.,
2014
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0073>).
Activist-authors such as Robert Bullard (1990
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0018>,
1993
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0019>),
Civil Rights activists with no academic affiliation, and members of
Christian churches saw themselves as militants of environmental justice.
By October 1991, an assembly of “leaders of peoples of color” in
Washington DC proclaimed the 17 principles of Environmental Justice
which went beyond a focus only on the United States. The document
included affirmation of the sacredness of Mother Earth and the right to
be free from ecological destruction; peoples’ right to
self-determination; rights of participation and enforcement of
principles of informed consent; rejection of military occupation,
repression and exploitation of lands, peoples, and cultures, and other
life forms (Menton et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0078>).
The Principles explicitly refer in their Preamble to the need to build a
“national and international” grassroots movement for EJ, considering
environmental injustices facing the current generation but also future
generations and other species. It is a strong document coming from the
Civil Rights movement and therefore from the experience of slavery,
racism and coloniality, a document produced by the descendants of
African slaves transported by Europeans to American sugar and cotton
plantations to produce on stolen lands the cheap inputs of the
industrial revolution. The EJ movement was grounded from its beginning
in the 1980s in the lived experiences, places and locations of those
communities that suffered still from colonialism and racism. One of the
best known locations was “Cancer Alley” in Louisiana, in the deepest
South of the United States (Fig. 1
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#fig0001>).
The fight against the disproportionate incidence of pollution in
predominantly Black, Hispanic or Indigenous communities was seen by
activists in this United States movement as fighting for environmental
justice and against “environmental racism”. Often they referred to the
need to go beyond US borders (e.g. Bullard and Johnson, 2000
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0020>).
Fig 1
Fig. 1. An ironic advertisement photographed in Mossville, Lousiana.
Here the link to the EJAtlas.
https://ejatlas.org/conflict/mossville-louisiana-environmental-racism-united-states
<https://ejatlas.org/conflict/mossville-louisiana-environmental-racism-united-states>.
For instance, Mossville is placed in “Cancer Alley” in the USA. (In
China a term that translates as “Cancer Villages” is used
(Lora-Wainwright, 2013
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0058>,
Lora-Wainwright, 2017
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0059>),
in the context of pollution from heavy metals rather than from oil and
gas as in Cancer Alley). Mossville was one settlement of free blacks
since 1790. After the 1940s it became surrounded by industrial plants,
making it "the most polluted corner of the most polluted region in one
of the most polluted states in the USA" (Fig. 1
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#fig0001>).
“Environmental racism” in Mossville is historically analogous to that
against Brazil's /quilombolas/, Colombia's /palenques/ and maroon
settlements in Jamaica.
The relations between the original movement for Environmental Justice in
the USA and the EJAtlas were beautifully captured in a website in the US
illustrating one of our recent articles with an iconic 1982 photo
(Fig. 2
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#fig0002>)
from Warren County, NC.
https://portside.org/2020–06–06/new-global-report-environmentalism-poor-and-indigenous
<https://portside.org/2020-06-06/new-global-report-environmentalism-poor-and-indigenous>.
Fig 2
Fig. 2. Their photo caption reads: /In the demonstration that birthed
the environmental justice movement, North Carolina State Troopers
prepare to oust protestors demonstrating against the dumping of toxic
dirt in the Warren County landfill on September 17, 1982./ BFA
Environmental Consultants.
They echo our article in these terms. A new report presents the most
complete analysis of environmental conflicts to date, focusing on 3000
cases of grassroots activism worldwide, activism by the poor and
indigenous that comes with a heavy cost of criminalization, violence,
and murder. Quantitative analyses shed light on the characteristics of
environmental conflicts and the environmental defenders involved, as
well as on successful mobilization strategies. Environmental defenders
are frequently members of vulnerable groups who employ largely
non-violent protest forms. In 11 percent of cases globally, they
contributed to halt environmentally destructive and socially conflictive
projects, defending the environment and livelihoods. Combining
strategies of preventive mobilization, protest diversification and
litigation can increase this success rate significantly to up to 27
percent. However, defenders globally also face high rates of
criminalization (20 percent of cases), physical violence (18 percent),
and assassinations (13 percent), which significantly increase when
Indigenous people are involved… bottom-up mobilizations for more
sustainable and socially just uses of the environment occur worldwide
across countries in all income groups, testifying to the existence of
various forms of grassroots environmentalism as a promising force for
sustainability.
This US perspective inspired us at ICTA UAB to start the EJAtlas in 2012
on the steps of activist maps compiled by OCMAL (Observatorio de
Conflictos Mineros de America Latina), Fiocruz (Mapa de Saúde e Justiça
Ambiental no Brasil) (Porto et al., 2013
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0090>),
also Ricardo Carrere (World Rainforest Movement), ASUD in Italy,
Oilwatch in Ecuador and Nigeria, and Turkish colleagues. We drew on the
experience of movements of the environmentalism of the poor and the
indigenous around the world (as researched and described in
Martinez-Alier, 2002
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0069>).
Adivasi struggles in India (particularly in Odisha against bauxite
mining, (Padel and Das, 2010
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0087>;
Temper and Martinez-Alier, 2013
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0110>),
and indigenous grievances and claims by the Oilwatch network against the
foreign oil industry in the Niger Delta and the Amazon of Ecuador,
provided initial impetus for the EJAtlas. The concepts and events
inspiring and framing the EJAtlas came in part from “Dixie” in the
United States (Bullard, 1990
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0018>)
and mostly from the global South. The framing of EJ as a struggle
against the disproportionate negative environmental effects of economic
activities on what in the US are “minority” populations or “people of
color”, is of permanent value.
What in the US are “minorities”, at world level are often majorities
(Martinez-Alier, 2002
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0069>).
One cannot presume that, as “environmental justice” as a social movement
was first identified and named in the US, it is a “Western” colonialist
and racist notion (as wrongly argued by (Álvarez and Coolsaet, 2018
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0006>).
In fact, the Decolonial Political Ecology of the Americas
(Ferdinand, 2019
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0032>)
emphasizes the Maroon cultures of escaped slaves in the wide Caribbean
plantation world, including “Dixieland”. Ferdinand himself, from
Martinique, has studied this history, and also the racialized injustice
of pesticide use in banana plantations. Among other sources, his
Decolonial Political Ecology is explicitly inspired (as we also are) by
the US environmental justice movement against environmental racism.
3. A brief history of the EJAtlas: “let the subaltern speak”
Empirical research shows that “subaltern classes”, manual workers,
indigenous peoples and the poor in general are often the first to defend
the environment in which they work and live, or from which they get
their livelihood (Barca, 2012
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0013>;
Satheesh, 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0104>).
A unifying definition for these “subaltern environmental struggles” was
the “environmentalism of the poor”, tied to material issues of
environmental degradation in terms of human health, livelihoods and
well-being. Evidence from around the world led to a theory of Ecological
Distribution Conflicts (EDCs), i.e. conflicts over the social
distribution of environmental costs and benefits deriving from the
material interchange between societies and nature (Martinez-Alier and
O’Connor, 1996
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0067>).
In general, such costs and benefits are not only expressed in economic
terms; the diverse social actors display other values. After publishing
/The Environmentalism of the Poor/ in 2002, our research programme on
world environmental justice was facilitated from 2008 to 2021 at
ICTA-UAB by three European funded projects (CEECEC, EJOLT and
EnvJustice). The EJAtlas (Fig. 3
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#fig0003>)
reached 3340 entries of EDC across the world in December 2020 allowing
new work on comparative, statistical political ecology (Temper et al.,
2015
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0111>,
2018
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0113>,
2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0114>;
(Martinez-Alier et al., 2016a
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0074>;
Scheidel et al., 2018
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0105>;
Liu 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0106>;
Tran et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0115>;
Martinez-Alier 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0071>).
One early article from our group was Gerber's analysis (2011)
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0037>
of 58 tree plantation conflicts in cooperation with Ricardo Carrere of
the WRM. The EJAtlas, co-directed by Leah Temper and myself, coordinated
by Daniela Del Bene, was publicly launched in 2014 with 920 entries
focusing on the environmentalism of the poor which often overlaps or
“intersects” with agrarian, urban, feminist, indigenous, working class
and public health movements but has distinctive contents.^1
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#cit_1>
Fig 3
Fig. 3. The EJAtlas with a column for recently updated cases
(www.envjustice.org <http://www.envjustice.org>).
The EJAtlas entries consist of a data sheet of 5 or 6 pages in open
access with a description of the conflict, sources, and many codified
variables: visible or potential impacts (environmental, health and
social impacts) of the project or policy causing the conflict, social
actors of the conflict, forms of mobilization, outcomes. Each case is
documented and contains some photographs. The EJAtlas classifies the
environmental conflicts in one of ten main categories: nuclear energy,
biomass and land grabbing, fossil fuels and climate justice, mining,
infrastructures (such as motorways, airports), industry, biodiversity
conservation, water, waste management, tourism. There are many secondary
categories. (Temper et al., 2015
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0111>,
2018
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0113>).
Across the whole sample of the 3340 contentious episodes registered in
the EJAtlas we see for instance (using the Filter function in the
EJAtlas platform) that in about 414 cases deaths of one or more
environmental defenders are reported. The members of the EJAtlas team
and myself are (in my view) accurate observers arriving after the
battles, “rearguard” actors to use Sousa Santos’ image (2014)
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0107>
recording and making conflicts visible after they have taken place or
when they are still burning actively or their embers might revive. The
social actors (as classified in the EJAtlas data sheets) are women and
men taking part in highly intense or subdued conflicts as indigenous
peoples, farmers, neighbors and citizens, members of local EJOs,
landless peasants, industrial workers, pastoralists, fisherfolk or
others. They might be militant activists or even “resigned”
environmentalists (Lora-Wainwright, 2017
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0059>).
Some are scientists and professionals, or members of religious groups.
They display their “repertoires of contention” or “forms of
mobilization” (Martinez-Alier et al., 2016a
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0074>;
Temper et al., 2015
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0111>,
2018
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0113>;
Scheidel et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0106>).
This “environmentalism from below” is different from the “cult of
wilderness” and the “gospel of eco-efficiency” (Martinez-Alier, 2002
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0069>).
Research on this grassroots environmentalism has been practiced by
political ecologists with other names: some called it “liberation
ecologies” (Peet and Watts, 1996
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0089>),
others call it “subaltern environmentalism”, a term whose use seems to
be growing (Egan, 2002
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0030>;
Ruiz Cayuela, 2018
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0099>).^2
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#cit_2>
I refer here to Gayatri Spivak's critique (1988)
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0108>
against Ranajit Guha denying the possibility for the subaltern to
speak.^3
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#cit_3>
Outside India, Laura Pulido (1996, p. 128)
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0092>
in a classic book on Hispanic pastoralists’ claims for environmental
justice and land rights in New Mexico quoted Spivak: “being a subaltern
includes lack of voice or at best a voice that is barely audible …
moments of mobilization and uprising are then openings that allow us to
interrogate those visions … to explore what they mean to the subaltern”.
In Peru /ambientalismo subalterno/ was analyzed (Valencia, 2013
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0116>)
while Italian historian Marco Armiero drew directly from Gramsci and
wrote of /subaltern environmentalism/ in the waste crisis in Campania
bypassing altogether Ranajit Guha and Spivak (Armiero and Sedrez, 2014
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0010>)
as Stefania Barca had done already (Barca, 2012
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0013>).
Compared to the powerful corporations, governments and mainstream media
confronting the poor and the indigenous, the EJAtlas allows such
“subalterns to be heard” even when they died long ago, were killed
recently or are still alive but almost voiceless.
4. Comparative, statistical political ecology based on the EJAtlas
In the EJAtlas, the many conflicts showing many aspects of an
environmentalism of the poor or, if you wish, “subaltern
environmentalism”, are classified according to their outcome into (many)
failures, (some) successes and (many) “don't know for sure”. Among the
3340 cases, about 544 are deemed as “successes” in environmental justice
- there is no sustained social movement unless it obtains some successes
from time to time. We can check whether reported “success” correlates
closely with “project cancelled” as an outcome. It does
(Rodríguez-Labajos and Özkaynak, 2018
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0095>;
Aydin et al., 2017
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0012>;
Scheidel et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0106>;
Hanaček et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0045>).
One can do analyses of the movement for environmental justice based on
countries or regions but also cross-cultural analyses on topics such as
copper mining and smelting, sand mining, eucalyptus or oil palm
plantations, dams, incinerators and landfills, coal fired power plants,
gas fracking, nuclear reactors, windmills, CAFOs (“concentrated animal
farming operations”) (Saes and Bisht, 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib122>)
.
As a social movement, environmental justice has distinctive collective
actors. In the conflicts registered in the EJAtlas, they display several
forms of mobilization or “repertoires of contention” (Table 1
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#tbl0001>).
The first studies using the EJAtlas as a novel database were published
in 2015 (Latorre et al., 2015
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib120>;
Temper et al., 2015
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0111>).
A 2018 special issue further consolidated its use for comparative
political ecology (Temper et al., 2018
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0113>).
These studies analysed up to a few hundred cases and focused mainly on
regional trends, such as environmental conflicts in Andean countries
(Pérez-Rincón et al., 2019
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0088>),
sectoral dynamics, such as conflicts over wind power (Avila, 2018
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib121>),
hydropower and dams (Del Bene et al., 2018
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0026>),
mining (Aydin et al., 2017
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0012>),
or specific thematic concerns, such as multidimensional violence in
central American conflicts (Navas et al., 2018)
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0083>.
The only early study employing a global dataset of 1357 EJAtlas cases
was published by Martinez-Alier et al. (2016a)
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0074>,
providing statistics on actors involved and mobilization forms, while
focusing further on qualitative aspects, such as a description of the
protest vocabulary used by environmental justice movements. Since then,
the number of registered conflicts has nearly tripled. With 2743
conflicts, Scheidel et al. (2020)
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0106>
is by far the largest study using EJAtlas data providing analyses of
conflicts in relation to sectors and income groups, actors and their
successful protest forms, and key positive and negative conflict
outcomes and their association to Indigenous and non-indigenous
mobilizations.
Table 1. /Repertoires of contentious actions in the EJAtlas/.
Image, table 1
Profiles on the main commodities involved, the most frequent companies
(private or public) and social actors, the visible and potential
impacts, the “repertoires of contention” for the whole EJAtlas could be
compared across countries or regions (India, South America, China,
Western and Central Europe). Similarly one could compare the profiles
for the outcomes (Martinez-Alier et al., 2016b
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0075>)
(for comparison between India and South America). For instance, hunger
strikes are disproportionately present in conflicts in India.
5. The EJAtlas: an advocacy map and an archive for
socio-environmental history
Such research results from the EJAtlas are becoming available in top
academic journals, testifying to the consistency of the abundant
information gathered in it (Scheidel et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0106>;
Temper et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0114>).
The EJAtlas is an archive of environmental conflicts in the form of a
“protest map” (Drozdz, 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0028>),
a product of a wave of “bottom up” cartography at the service of social
counter-movements and also of academic scholarship. In
Drozdz's words (2020)
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0028>,
the EJAtlas is an “advocacy map” on conflicts around environmental
issues. It is an accurate advocacy map useful for activism, research and
teaching, a database collaboratively collecting information on
environmental conflicts coming directly from activists and, more often,
coming indirectly from journalists and academics.
The collaborative maps from the EJAtlas provide an example of what
critical mapping can do to reframe the dominant cartographic narrative
(Drozdz, 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0028>).
Maps sometimes present a view of the environment as a space dotted with
strategic resources, which implies that their management and
exploitation are the main focus of land use and resource policies
(Drozdz, 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0028>),
looking at nature from the logic of so-called capital accumulation
(meaning resource extraction and dissipation). The EJAtlas shifts the
focus from what economic potential the environment holds to the
consequences resulting from its exploitation and the resistance against
the consequences (Drozdz, 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0028>).
In all cases, the EJAtlas puts conflict in front and centre, and
restores the antagonistic dimension of resource control and management.
What the EJAtlas shows is that land and natural resource use cannot be
simply viewed as a matter of post-political technical management but
also of politics. The EJAtlas registers victims of extractive violence,
the dead, the criminalized (Scheidel et al. 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0106>),
the wounded, the frightened and displaced by “the coercion present in
natural resource extraction”, “socio-ecological warfare techniques to
control human and natural resources”, “corporate counter-insurgency
strategies” and “state terrorism” (Dunlap, 2019
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0029>).
Dunlap rightly emphasizes the use of such techniques by corporations and
states against environmental defenders with a mixture of soft approaches
(from bribery to Corporate Social Responsibility, CSR) and violent
practices (Brock and Dunlap, 2018
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0016>).
But this top-down viewpoint risks to deprive the oppressed from agency.
Instead, the EJAtlas looks at reality from below.
The EJAtlas opens up new avenues for research in comparative,
statistical political ecology focussing on the power dynamics and
/valuation contests/ in EDCs (O'Connor, 1993
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0085>).
There are hundreds and hundreds of such valuation contests in the
EJAtlas where economic costs and benefits, and demands for monetary
compensation for damages, appear in the recorded conflicts. But other
valuation languages are also forcefully deployed. For most conflicts we
can answer the question: which valuation languages have been brought
into the dispute, which have politically prevailed? So the EJAtlas is an
instrument for research and teaching not only in political ecology but
also in an ecological economics focused from its beginning (Otto
Neurath, K. W. Kapp, Georgescu-Roegen) not only on the study of social
metabolism but also on the plurality and incommensurability of values
(Martinez-Alier, 1987
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0061>;
O’Neill and Uebel, 2015
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0086>;
Rodríguez-Labajos and Martinez-Alier, 2013
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0094>).
The materials contained in the EJAtlas, incuding the iconography, often
reveal such “valuation contests”.
Thus, a slogan heard in many gold mining conflicts in Latin America is
/el agua vale más que el oro/. Water is more valuable than gold, not
certainly in money per kg but in other standards of value. This slogan
is a performative symbol in banners, t-shirts (Fig. 4
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#fig0004>)
and songs since the early boom of open cast gold mining in the 1980s and
1990s. Demonstrators shouting /el agua vale más que el oro/ ask for the
primacy of socio-environmental values over chrematistic values. Does /el
agua vale más que el oro/ appear in other continents in conflicts over
open cast gold mining, translated into any of the thousands of languages
of the “subaltern”, many of which are becoming extinct?
Fig 4
Fig. 4. Pope Francis and Senator (and film-maker) Pino Solanas, 2013
(public domain).
In the next section I shall discuss the use of the EJAtlas in a related
research field: business economics and management.
6. The relevance of the EJAtlas for business management: “corporate
social irresponsibility”
As EDC intensify along commodity extraction and waste disposal frontiers
(including excessive amounts of carbon dioxide emissions) (Moore, 2000
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0081>),
and through the creation of rather new commodities (e.g. lithium,
submarine mining, geoengineering services), the EJAtlas aims to
research, exchange and disseminate information. Within and also beyond
academic research, the EJAtlas wants to be relevant by 'naming and
shaming' (so to speak) the actors behind injustices. This can be done
through Network Analysis of corporations (privately or state-owned)
involved in EDCs. We have published several “featured maps” collecting
the conflicts in which some transnational companies are involved. The
EJAtlas therefore is relevant for studies of business economics and
management, and not only in the environmental social sciences. As Rajiv
Maher writes in the /Business and Human Rights Journal/ (2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0060>)
the EJAtlas documents and catalogues social conflicts around
environmental issues. It aims to make these instances of mobilization
more visible, highlighting claims and testimonies, making the case for
true corporate and state accountability for the injustices inflicted
sometimes through their activities. For instance, in Tuticorin, Tamil
Nadu, after 20 years of complaints, thousands gathered in Thoothukudi
district in March 2018 asking for the copper smelter to be shut down. In
May 22, 2018 as people still protested against the Vedanta-owned
Sterlite copper plant, the police opened fire on a rally which marked
the 100th day of demonstrations. The following day another person died
from being hit by a rubber bullet, taking the death toll up to 13.
Dozens of people were wounded. The government of Tamil Nadu then asked
for a definitive closure of the plant (Fig. 5
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#fig0005>).
https://www.business-standard.com/article/opinion/sterlite-protest-how-it-began-what-next-118052901513_1.html
<https://www.business-standard.com/article/opinion/sterlite-protest-how-it-began-what-next-118052901513_1.html>
Fig 5
Fig. 5.
The Vedanta corporation (housed in London) is well known because of the
conflict on bauxite mining in the Niyamgiri Hill in Odisha where
sacredness, indigenous rights, and environmental values were
successfully deployed (Temper et al., 2015
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0111>,
Temper and Martinez-Alier, 2013
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0110>).
There are many other conflicts in the EJAtlas that arouse or are arising
from copper mining and smelting, including two of the oldest conflicts
registered: the massacre in Rio Tinto (Huelva, Spain) in 1888, and the
peasant complaints protagonized by Tanaka Shozo around 1900 in Ashio,
Japan, against the water and air pollution caused by the Furukawa
smelter. (Copper appears as a main commodity in about 175 cases in the
EJAtlas).
Therefore, the materials collected in and the research done with the
EJAtlas are relevant to the construction and criticism of the indices
and benchmarks meant to inform and guide shareholding investors and
other stakeholders, such as the Responsible Mining Index, the Business
Human Rights Benchmark and others. According to the EJAtlas,
high-ranking companies in the CHRB and RMI are demonstrably involved in
multiple socio-environmental community conflicts, perhaps even
protagonists of Global Witness’ narratives on deaths of environmental
defenders. Similarly, there is much information in the EJAtlas on
“social licence to operate” (SLO), a term much used in the extractive
industries (Prno, Slocombe, 2012
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0091>;
Gehman et al., 2017
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0035>)
meaning communities’ approval or acceptance of ongoing projects. The use
of the EJAtlas in the teaching on CSR, or Environmental Social
Governance (ESG) as it is nowadays called, opens up a large opportunity
for research and teaching in schools of business economics and
management where not only CSR but also Corporate Social
/Irresponsibility/ (CSIR) (Saes et al., 2021
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0101>)
is a topic of interest. The use of the EJAtlas in professional advisory
financial activities and in fields like eco-labelling, product
certification and in general ESG opens up opportunities for research on
the opposition between the objectives of “shareholder value” and
“responsible management” (Laasch et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0055>),
on Corporate Social Irresponsibility (CSIR) (Armstrong, 1977
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0011>;
Alexander, 2015
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0005>,
(Antonetti and Maklan, 2016
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0008>),
Riera and Iborra, 2017
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0093>,
Alcadipani and Medeiros, 2019
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0004>),
corporate accountability, corporate impunity and lack of liability. How
do corporations (and state organs) react to allegations of using
“counter-insurgency methods” against environmental defenders?
Corporations are supposed to practice disclosure of environmental,
social and governance (ESG) results. There are some publications already
using the EJAtlas for information relevant to investors such as pension
funds keen on applying ESG criteria to particular firms or business
sectors. There are also numerous testimonies of the use of the EJAtlas
in university teaching in the environmental social sciences but also in
business economics and management. (Walter et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0118>).
7. What kind of social movement is the global environmental social
movement?
I mean here a counter-movement in the same sense in which one could
speak of the working class movement in Europe before 1914, or the peace
movements across the world at several points in time including the
anti-Vietnam War student movement in the USA in the 1960s; or the
agrarian or peasant movements in Latin America from the Mexican
Revolution of 1910 onwards, or the triumphant anti-colonial world
movement after 1945 particularly in Africa, or the Civil Rights movement
in the USA; or the growing and increasingly successful feminist movement
of the last hundred years or more (Della Porta and Diani, 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0027>).
Such socio-political movements as feminism, the peace movement, peasant
movements, industrial working class movements have rarely had a unique
organization and leadership even at national level, they are dispersed
and to some extent heterogeneous. The usual chronology is from
grievances and claims to movements. For instance, peasant grievances and
claims came earlier than the recognized historical terms for the
movements (such as /jacqueries/ in France, Russia, Bengal and elsewhere)
or standardized slogans such “land to the tiller”, /la tierra al que la
trabaja/. The slogan Land and Freedom, /tierra y libertad/, has its
origin in the Russian /narodnik/ movement after 1870 and travelled to
Spain and to Zapata's Mexico in 1910. Peasant movements existed much
before the Via Campesina was born in the late 20th century.
Grievances and claims typical of the industrial working class movement
(the right to form unions, the 8 -hour day against acute exploitation of
wage labour, the refusal of piece-work) or the terms for mobilizing
actions such as strikes or /grèves/ and boycotts, were born before the
movements as such and their organizations were recognized. Thus,
“boycott” meaning social ostracism or protest against a company or
government officer comes from Charles C. Boycott, an Irish land agent
who was “boycotted” in 1880 at the instigation of the Irish Land League
to get rents reduced. Strike-breaker, scab or blackleg is a person who
works despite an ongoing strike. In several Spanish speaking countries
the word /esquirol/ imported from Catalonia is used. Similarly, in the
environmental justice movement we can identify common slogans (in many
different languages). There is a feeling of wide collective action when
the allegations of NIMBYism (in English) from opponents in local
environmental conflicts are answered with replies such as NIABY or even
NOPE (“not in anyone's backyard” and “not on planet Earth”). NIMBY has
been adopted with enthusiasm by anti-environmentalists even in
non-English-speaking countries. /Avons-nous le syndrome nimby?/ And in
other contexts: /Sind Moscheen in Deutschland NIMBY-Güter?/ - asks a
newspaper, assuming readers to share the nasty amalgam.
Thus in Italy, somebody could mistake the proliferation of “No”
movements for Nimbyism from the many local ephemeral “committees”. In
Spain they would be called platforms or /coordinadoras/. They are ad
hoc, not permanent organizations like Legambiente. The committees and
their struggles are listed over the years in the Italian “Atlante” of
environmental justice launched in 2015 and linked to the EJAtlas, led by
ASud, an archive of local environmental justice struggles. There are
also numerous contacts among the committees at regional, national and
sometimes European levels. Italian environmentalists are aware of
Italian business corporations’ damage abroad (ENEL, AGIP,
Impregilo-Salvini). Italian best-known “No” movements are currently /No
Tav, No Tap, No Muos, No Ponte, No Grandi Navi, No Triv, Mamme No
Inceneritore/, all born at particular locations but with wide reach,
respectively on the very material issues of the new rapid railway line
between Turin and Lyon, a gas pipeline in Puglia (Fig. 6
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#fig0006>),
the Mobile User Objective System (a military satellite communications
system promoted by the US government in Niscemi, Sicily), the bridge
over Messina Strait, the nuisance from the enormous cruise ships in
Venice waters, the off shore oil drilling, the waste incineration
(Bertuzzi, 2019
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0014>).
Fig. 4
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#fig0004>
gives a translation of NIABY into Italian. In Catalan it would be /Ni
aquí ni enlloc/. It is commonly used in the environmental movements.
Fig 6
Fig. 6. In Puglia, Southern Italy, “neither here nor anywhere else”,
struggling to protect land and community from the Trans Adriatic
Pipeline (TAP). This gas pipeline and terminal threatens ancient olive
farms, water sources, cultural heritage sites and stunning coastline
Collective action giving rise to slogans, banners, marches and other
forms of mobilization does not require common single organizations. By
doing network analysis of the 3340 data sheets in EJAtlas we could trace
organizational cross-country connections (or lack of connections). For
instance, we ask, a) in which conflicts recorded in the EJAtlas do
organization members of the confederation Friends of the Earth
International (FoEI) appear (e.g. Censat in Colombia, ERA in Nigeria,
Justiça Ambiental in Mozambique, GroundWork in South Africa, Walhi in
Indonesia, Kalikasan in The Philippines, Friends of the Earth Norway …).
FoE is a network often supporting the “environmentalism of the poor and
indigenous” but it is not present, by far, in all conflicts. For
instance, FoE is not active in India, Pakistan or China, scarcely active
in Brazil and Mexico … b) How relevant are Greenpeace and other
international organizations in actual environmental conflicts, and in
which world regions and/or which issues are they most active compared to
grassroots organizations at national, provincial, local levels? c) How
often and in which roles do the “cult of wilderness” organizations such
as IUCN, WWF, Nature Conservancy appear in the conflicts recorded in the
EJAtlas? d) Is there intersectionality between environmental justice
movements and Human Rights organizations which are very active in
environmental conflicts? e) Is there intersectionality between
geopolitical independence movements and environmental conflicts (e.g.
Bougainville island (copper and the Rio Tinto company), Nouvelle
Caledonie (nickel), West Papua (copper and Freeport-McMoRan)? Should we
look at other conflicts in the EJAtlas through geopolitical lenses – for
instance, the Mekong River threatened by dams from China, several of
them recorded as conflictive in the EJAtlas; or at smaller scale, the
environmental problems at the border between Portugal and Spain (again
river dams, nuclear risks, new metal mining for the electricity
transition, and danger of fires from invasive eucalyptus plantations).
The EJAtlas is indeed a great source for research on environmental
conflicts at borders between countries.
Names of environmental organizations do not always mean much. For
instance, FoEI exists in Argentina and Spain but they are rather
irrelevant in conflicts recorded in the EJAtlas (as could be shown by
network analysis of social actors in conflicts) compared to Asambleas de
Vecinos Autoconvocados (AVA) in Argentina and Ecologistas en Acción in
Spain. In Colombia, in Nigeria and Indonesia there were first
environmental grievances, complaints and movements, then ERA, Censat and
Walhi were founded in the 1980s, later joining Friends of the Earth to
some extent as a form of international protection. Acción Ecológica of
Ecuador, also founded in the mid-1980s, joined at one point FoEI but
left it because some of its Northern members were too lukewarm towards
the claim for an ecological debt from the South (Warlenius et al., 2015
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0119>).
First, there are grievances and claims, then there are collective
mobilizations and actions (and possibly a social movement with
identifiable slogans), and even later perhaps an organization appears.
The capacity of mobilization depends on resources (time, money, common
beliefs), as explained in social movement theory. It also depends on the
ability to withstand or overcome fear and repression by corporations and
the state. Organizations attract police attention; they are easily
disbanded or forbidden. Moreover, organizations are not a requirement
for social movements to exist; they might even become noxious because
the fights among leaders alienate other potential members. The movements
for environmental justice might generate organizations but do not
require global or even local permanent organizations. Research on the
environmental justice movements must not be primarily guided by the
presence of names of organizations but should focus instead on similar
grievances, local actions, common or similar slogans and banners.
Similar slogans across many cultures and different languages, and
similar repertoires of contention, are not necessarily a sign that there
is a single organization behind them. For instance, despite obstacles to
women's participation in social movements there is a wide eco-feminist
movement around the world (Agarwal, 1992
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0002>,
2001
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0001>;
Salleh, 1997
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0102>)
growing and overlapping with “climate justice” movements without need
for a single organization.
Complaints and campaigns against eucalyptus would deserve a
“transversal” article or book from Chile and Brazil to Yunnan and
Thailand. The fact that they are “exotic” (from Australia) is less
relevant than their properties. Similar commodity, somewhat similar
damages, grievances and social reactions. Adolfo Cordero in La Voz de
Galicia (15 April 2018) strikingly titled an article /Eucalyptus are
like the state: they take everything away giving nothing in return/. The
phrase translated and quoted in /The Environmentalism of the Poor/ is
from a peasant in Thailand. In Portugal and Spain eucalyptus was
furthered by the paper industry, now becoming an invasive species,
taking water and fertility from the soil and helping to cause terrible
fires.
In common with other local actions around the world giving rise to the
slogan “Tree plantations are not real forests”, the campaign in Brazil
against /Desertos verdes/ organized an action in Barra do Ribeiro, Rio
Grande do Sul on 8 March 2006, Women's Day: Mulheres em Ação, Eucalipto
no Chão! - 3000 women from Via Campesina occupied the Aracruz
Cellulose's eucalyptus nurseries and cut down the trees (Fig. 7
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#fig0007>).
This was a show of “intersectionality”: an agrarian struggle, a women's
struggle, and an environmental struggle against the “green deserts” and
in solidarity with indigenous people evicted by Aracruz in Espírito Santo.
Fig 7
Fig. 7. Women against “green deserts” in Brazil. Source: Via Campesina.
https://ejatlas.org/conflict/women-agaist-the-expansion-of-eucalyptus-monoculture
<https://ejatlas.org/conflict/women-agaist-the-expansion-of-eucalyptus-monoculture>.
The world environmental justice movement does not preach individual
changes in behaviour and it is not based on charismatic personalities
although respecting and remembering its heroines and heroes (Goldman
Prize holders; Global Witness victims). It is formed by mostly ad-hoc
local collective groups focusing on collective adversaries. As reflected
in the EJAtlas and other such inventories, environmental justice
counter-movements are born of concrete struggles and they blame known
opponents for damages to the natural environment and to the conditions
of human livelihoods. Such adversaries are most often identified as
private or public companies (most conflicts registered in the EJAtlas
give the names of one or more such companies). They may also be
government departments, or the government itself when the conflict is on
a policy and not on a particular project. There are some cases in the
EJAtlas where a movement opposed and changed a government policy
(retreat of Monsanto GMO cotton from Burkina Faso
/https://ejatlas.org/conflict/the-retreat-from-monsanto-bt-cotton-burkina-faso/
<https://ejatlas.org/conflict/the-retreat-from-monsanto-bt-cotton-burkina-faso>;
stopping nuclear energy in Switzerland
/https://ejatlas.org/conflict/the-anti-nuclear-movement-in-switzerland/
<https://ejatlas.org/conflict/the-anti-nuclear-movement-in-switzerland>).
Most cases in the EJAtlas concern complaints against particular
investment projects and companies, and not country-wide policies.
8. Intersectionality
In many of the EDC described in the EJAtlas, there are overlapping
social roles and issues arising in the same conflict. To acknowledge the
presence of gender, ethnic identity, or working class, peasant,
pastoralist, fisherfolk affiliation among the social actors of such
conflict does not imply “essentialism”. This presence is merely
empirical reality. For instance, a conflict against open cast gold
mining can involve peasant activists who are simultaneously indigenous
(and identify as such) and who hold communal water and land rights. The
same person is indigenous and peasant, and in Mexico also very possibly
an /ejidatario/ and in the Andes a /comunero/. The material issues can
be simultaneously land grabbing and water pollution, while there might
also be impacts on health because of the use of cyanide. The conflicts
in the EJAtlas involve overlapping ecological, human health, economic
and other social issues and values. Therefore, there is
“intersectionality” in any given conflict as regards the social actors
and their roles, and also the issues present in it. Fighting for
environmental justice is not “single actor” and “single-issued”. For
instance, in a recent case uploaded in the EJAtlas (the collapse of the
Zaldibar waste dumpsite in the Basque country on 6 February 2020,
causing two workers’ deaths plus danger from dioxin emissions and
perhaps from asbestos), the demonstrators (working class, and other
local Basque citizens) carried banners putting together claims for
adequate working conditions, health of the population and liabilities of
the responsible private firm (fancifully named Verter Recycling), and
the Basque government. A claim for better environmental management is
also present (Fig. 8
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#fig0008>).
Although this unfortunate event (betraying a wide industrial waste
crisis) took place in the Basque country, no nationalist claims were
present here against the Spanish state. There was no reason for this,
since waste management is a regional competence.
Fig 8
Fig. 8. Zaldibar argitu! “Workers, Health, Liabilities”.
https://ejatlas.org/conflict/zaldibar-industrial-waste-dump-basque-country-spain
<https://ejatlas.org/conflict/zaldibar-industrial-waste-dump-basque-country-spain>.
The overlapping of roles played by the same social actors is often
called “intersectionality”, a concept coming from feminist and
anti-racist theory in the United States (Crenshaw, 1989
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0025>)
useful for the analysis of the conflicts registered in the EJAtas. It is
applicable in many places around the world. For instance, the social
actors in a conflict might be women indigenous peasants supported by
local and international EJOs. The roles of local indigenous women and
international members of Greenpeace do not overlap. But the same person
can of course be (as Berta Cáceres in Honduras was) a woman, indigenous
person, leader of a local EJO. Chico Mendes was a /seringueiro/, and
leader of a rubber tappers union, and simultaneously fought as an
environmentalist against deforestation in the Amazon. However, there
might be conflicts where the social actors are merely assorted
“neigbours and citizens” (in urban or semi-urban contexts) fighting by
themselves against an incinerator because of threats to health (perhaps
with help from local scientists, who are different persons?). Or imagine
an indigenous tribe of hunter-gatherers confronting an extractive
company without any allies at local or global scales except an intrepid
journalist or anthropologist of Survival International, who anyway are
different persons. Intersectionality is often but not always present.
Rural cases (about 1900) in the EJAtlas could be compared to urban and
semi-urban cases (about 1150) and, first, research the reasons for the
difference in numbers (do cities “export” conflicts successfully to
rural areas disproportionately providing the materials and absorbing
waste?), and then see whether there are significant differences in the
participants (Table 2
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#tbl0002>),
and the modes of organization of environmental protests.
Table 2. The main groups mobilized in the conflicts recorded in the
EJAtlas (more than one group can be recorded in one conflict).
Image, table 2
9. Why has an environmental justice movement been born? A
materialistic approach
The EJAtlas rests on the hypothesis that there are structural
continuities and transformations in the patterns of socio-environmental
conflicts, responding to changes and growth in the social metabolism.
Mainstream economics and economic history have been nearly blind to the
changes in the social metabolism, too concerned with economic
accounting. Such changes in social metabolism explain why there were no
movements against fracking twenty years ago and why there are so many
today. There were no movements against eucalyptus plantations for paper
pulp eighty years ago, or against oil palm plantations forty years ago,
or against nuclear power plants sixty years ago. There were no movements
then against the threat of dioxins from incinerators (as in China
today). But there were social movements against sulphur dioxide from Rio
Tinto and Furukawa copper smelters 130 years ago, and against hydropower
plants also many decades ago. Social movements related to coal mining
are certainly not new; they are more numerous than ever before because
coal extraction and burning increased seven times in the 20th century
and still increases today (until 2020 at least). To old issues of
miners’ safety, health and work conditions there is the added argument
of “climate justice”.
The EJAtlas takes therefore a materialistic approach
(Fischer-Kowalski and Haberl, 2015
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0033>);
“materialistic” does not mean economic in the chrematistic sense. We
delve beneath the surface of environmental conflicts related to mineral
ores, hydroelectric dams, public infrastructures, biomass or fossil
fuels extraction to uncover their root causes in the growth and changes
in the social metabolism. The world economy's metabolism (flows of
energy and materials) grows and changes (Krausmann et al., 2009
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0053>,
2018
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0054>).
The industrial economy is not circular, it is more and more entropic.
The economy also exhausts the “funds” or renewable resources like
fisheries and the fertility of the soil, destroys biodiversity, it turns
the natural water cycle in part into a hydro-social cycle. The
capitalist industrial economy has a voracious appetite for fresh
supplies. If we take 100 million of barrels of oil today, tomorrow
again, and again, because the oil (the coal, the gas) is burnt forever.
The EJAtlas collects ecological distribution conflicts (EDC), a term
coined (Martinez-Alier, 1995b
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0066>;
Martinez-Alier and O’Connor, 1996
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0067>)
to describe social conflicts born from the unfair access to natural
resources and the unjust burdens of pollution. Environmental gains and
losses are distributed in a way that causes conflicts. We were inspired
by the term “economic distribution conflicts” in political economy that
describes conflicts between capital and labour (profits vs. salaries),
or conflicts on prices between sellers and buyers of commodities, or
conflicts on the interest rate to be paid by debtors to creditors. The
terms socio-environmental conflict or EDC can be used interchangeably
depending on whether the framing of the same event is socio-political or
economic. The term EDC stresses the idea that the economic approach
based on economic compensation for negative externalities is inadequate
in general (although it might be appropriate in some civil court cases
for damages, (Rodríguez-Labajos and Martinez-Alier, 2013
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0094>).
The unequal or unfair distribution of environmental goods and evils is
not always coterminous with “economic distribution” such as, for
instance, rents paid by tenant farmers to landlords, or the
international terms of trade of an exporting economy, or claims for
higher wages from mining or plantation labour unions opposing company
owners. EDC is then a term for collective claims against perceived
environmental injustices. For instance, climate change is perceived as
causing the receding of glaciers in Bolivia and Peru or sea level rise
in some Pacific islands or in the Kuna islands in Panama or in Kivalina
in Alaska (as recorded in the EJAtlas). This is a growing EDC, very
relevant in terms of human rights and in terms of rights of other
species. Yet this damage is not valued in the market and those impacted
are not compensated for it. Their complaints often do not lead to
democratic deliberations and diplomatic dialogs on the appropriate units
for valuation of externalities but they lead rather to neglect or even
violence by companies and state representatives. The capitalist system
does not and cannot pay compensation to the present and future
generations for the sixth great extinction of biodiversity, the loss of
tropical forests, climate change and ocean acidification. Or for damage
to rivers by dams almost everywhere (and hence counter-movements such as
the MAB in Brazil, MAPDER in Mexico, Ríos Vivos in Colombia). Or for
excessive infrastructure, giving rise to the Stay Grounded movement
against airports, and other movements against Imposed Useless Projects
in Europe (Burballa-Noria, 2019
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0021>).
The growth and changes in the social metabolism cause many EDCs where
different valuation languages are displayed as we see in thousands of
cases in the EJAtlas. In my view, there is sometimes too much emphasis
placed on the triumph of neoliberal capitalism after the 1970s as a
cause of environmental injustices. It may be true that “In the last
three decades, neoliberal policies and ideologies have brought about
fundamental changes to nature-society relationships across the globe,
deepening existing environmental conflicts and creating profound new
injustices” (Apostolopoulou and Cortes-Vaquez, 2019
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0009>:1).
But the increase in social metabolism arose in industrial capitalism,
continued in Keynesian social-democratic capitalism after 1945 and in
Soviet-style economies, and is present today in the industrial economy
of China and the rest of the world. China's political-economic system is
perhaps better described as state capitalism than neoliberalism.
Writers in the Marxist tradition use words like “capital accumulation”
and “development of productive forces” without thinking enough about the
metabolism of the economy. Taking coal, oil and gas from the soil gives
rents and profits that are accumulated as money which in turn gives the
power to get more money through exploitation of labour and use of more
fossil fuels. Physically speaking, as was known in Marx's time
(Martinez-Alier, 1987
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0061>),
energy is dissipated, not accumulated. The "productive forces” of the
fossil fuels are not developed, they are lost for ever. Environmental
conflicts are caused by the fact that the industrial economy is
entropic, continuously reaching the new “commodity extraction frontiers”
(Moore, 2000
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0081>)
and the waste disposal frontiers. This process is helped (but not
primarily caused) by resource commodification that undermines common
goods. It is helped also by the unequal distribution of land and the
concentration of political power in a few hands. Hence the growth in the
number of EDC, and as a response the growing strength of the
environmental justice movement which in its cultural expressions
displays a plurality of values.
10. Iconography of environmental justice
Apart from what we call “statistical political ecology” based on the
EJAtlas (Scheidel et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0106>;
Temper et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0114>),
there is another comparative approach to do research on and with the
environmental justice movement, and this is to look at its cultural
expressions in the form of banners, murals, slogans, documentaries.
While the ultimate causes of collective protests are the growth and
changes in the social metabolism (flows of energy and materials), such
protests exhibit cultural and symbolic elements that we gather in the
EJAtlas. What is invisible and silenced in the official press becomes
visible and audible in the iconography of spontaneous or organized
demonstrations within the limits of what state and company violence will
tolerate and the participants’ fear allows. I give here a few more examples.
Consider for instance the current conflict against the Pan American
Silver mine in Chubut, Argentina. The “Navidad” mining project is one of
the largest silver deposits in the world. While local inhabitants reject
the project, the national government and mining companies are pressing
for changes to the law that prevents its exploitation. The banner
(Fig. 9
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#fig0009>,
one essential element in social protests, together with shouted slogans,
leaflets, murals, documentaries, songs) states that the place where the
mine is located (the /meseta patagónica/) should not be a “sacrifice
zone”, a term used by the USA environmental justice movement
(Lerner, 2010
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0057>).The
source for Fig. 9
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#fig0009>
is “No a la mina”, initially a local movement and now a well-known
webpage in South America born in the Esquel conflict in 2000, where a
new institution was born, the public anti-mining consultation (imitating
Tambo Grande in Peru) . (Walter and Urkidi, 2017
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0117>).
Notice also the small banners announcing the two “Lof” taking part in
the complaint. Lof is the basic social organization of the Mapuche
peoples (in Chile and Argentina), a familial clan or lineage recognizing
the authority of a Lonko. Consider now (Fig. 10
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#fig0010>)
the banners at the commemoration of Gloria Capitan, shot dead in July
2016 opposing the construction of a coal stockpile as leader of a local
anti-coal movement and member of the Philippine Movement for Climate
Justice. Katarungan means “justice”. She was 57 years old, a leader of
the Coal-Free Bataan Movement and the President of United Citizens of
Lucanin Association (Samahan ng Nagkakaisang Mamamayan ng Lucanin),
opposing the operation and expansion of coal plants and storage
facilities in the Mariveles neighbourhood. Here local collective
grievances and complaints were linked to a global call for climate justice.
Fig 9
Fig. 9. /La meseta no es zona de sacrificio/. Chubut (No a la mina).
Lucrecia Wagner 2020.
https://ejatlas.org/conflict/navidad-mine-of-pan-american-silver-chubut-argentina
<https://ejatlas.org/conflict/navidad-mine-of-pan-american-silver-chubut-argentina>.
Fig 10
Fig. 10. Coal kills in Bataan, Philippines (Source:
https://ejatlas.org/conflict/coal-mining-leading-to-the-killing-of-gloria-capitan
<https://ejatlas.org/conflict/coal-mining-leading-to-the-killing-of-gloria-capitan>).
Coal kills locally and globally.
Many anti-nuclear movements starting in the 1970s appear in the EJAtlas.
Organizations giving information over the years (such as WISE) are
quoted. The symbol of a smiling sun and the slogan “No Nukes” became
known worldwide. Consider for instance Fig. 11
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#fig0011>
from Jiangsu. The protest took place in 2016 in Jiangsu against a
Sino-French project involving the Areva corporation. This particular
banner has no smiling sun, it says “For the next generation, refuse
construction of the nuclear waste plant”. The accident of Fukushima was
invoked, and possibly some of the activists were also well informed
about the stopping of the Creys-Malville fast breeder reactor in France
in 1980 and other nuclear conflicts in France and elsewhere.
Fig 11
Fig. 11.
https://ejatlas.org/conflict/thousands-protest-against-proposed-nuclear-reprocessing-plant-in-lianyungang-jiangsu-china
<https://ejatlas.org/conflict/thousands-protest-against-proposed-nuclear-reprocessing-plant-in-lianyungang-jiangsu-china>.
“For the next generation, refuse construction of the nuclear waste
plant”. Against a nuclear waste reprocessing plant. (Juan Liu, ICTA-UAB).
11. Conclusion
The conflicts mentioned in this article are related to metal mining,
fossil fuels and climate justice, nuclear energy, industrial pollution,
land and biomass grabbing, hydropower. The available descriptions in the
EJAtlas, the banners, also the murals, slogans, songs, and documentaries
recorded or mentioned in the EJAtlas show that many complaints are
“glocal” (Swyngedouw and Cox, 1997
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0109>)
. They have local roots and carry global parallels and implications.
The industrial economy goes to the extraction frontiers to get new
resources and it deposits the waste anywhere (the atmosphere, oceans,
rivers and soils). Even a non-growing industrial economy would need
“fresh” materials and energy because energy is dissipated and materials
are recycled only to a small extent. Hence so many conflicts. The
EJAtlas is basically an archive of EDCs that took place in the last
decades or are taking place right now at commodity extraction frontiers
or at waste disposal frontiers. The EJAtlas is a product of the global
grassroots counter-movement for environmental justice, and at the same
time a tool for researching its contemporary history across world
regions and cultures. After eight years of academic and activist work
the EJAtlas is now recognised as a tool useful in the field of
comparative, statistical political ecology (Scheidel et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0106>;
Temper et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0114>)
and for university teaching in several countries (Walter et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0118>).
Political ecology studies EDC, and it puts biophysical reality
(increased material and energy flows, climate change, increased HANPP
and loss of biodiversity) and the environmentalism of the poor and the
indigenous at the centre of politics. Instead, mainstream environmental
sociology, political science and neoclassical environmental economics
still hold fast to Inglehart's notion that “the poor are too poor to be
green”. Environmentalism is supposed to grow in the so-called
“post-materialist” affluent societies, and ecological modernization and
technological improvements will hopefully come to the rescue, with
increasing incomes making pollution follow a “Kuznets curve” and also
achieving at least relative dematerialization of the economy. Moreover,
the environment will improve by public policies. Bottom up protests are
deemed irrelevant by analysts and marginalized and repressed by the
state and corporations.
On the other hand, the traditional Left shared the view that
appreciation for the environment is a luxury of the rich; economic
growth is supposed to be more important for the masses than biodiversity
loss and climate change. As a consequence, the voices of the poor and
the indigenous asking for socio-environmental justice are not heard.
Gayatri Spivak's "Can the Subaltern Speak?" questioned the ability of
the silenced, colonised, invisible groups to make their voices heard
without distortion. The marginalised groups referred to as “subaltern”
by Spivak /cannot/ be heard because they cannot speak across the
enormous gulfs of coloniality, patriarchy and racism which certainly
exist in the world. “When the subaltern speaks there is not enough
infrastructure for people to recognise it as resistant speech”
(Lahiri, 2011
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0056>).
The EJAtlas is such an infrastructure, a living open-access archive and
a modest loudspeaker for what is called “subaltern environmentalism”.
When an indigenous group manages to stop a conflictive mining project,
one could say that their actions speak louder than words. It is not so
difficult to hear subdued or strong movements for environmental justice
across the world, offering similar types of complaints against
dispossession and contamination caused by the growth and changes in
social metabolism (concomitant with the operations of the industrial
economy), similar commodities, similar pollutants and health impacts,
similar social actors and allies, similar forms of mobilization and also
of repression when confronting similar public or private companies. All
of these movements, no doubt, with local characteristics. For instance,
the meanings of women's environmental activism (Agarwal, 1992
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0002>)
are similar but somewhat different across the world, as reflected in the
EJAtlas (Tran et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0115>).
Protest actions give birth to social movements (local, “glocal”, and
sometimes international), rarely aligned with political parties, and
resting sometimes in already existing organizations or creating new
short-lived ones. What matters (in the analyses that draw on the
EJAtlas) is the types of social actors, their grievances and claims,
their forms of mobilization, and whether the outcome is of success or
failure in stopping projects and in changing policies, and not so much
the names of ephemeral or lasting organizations. Through the EJAtlas we
discover indigenous populations (sometimes “refugees” at the frontiers
of commodity extraction) who are often protagonists of such struggles
(Scheidel et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0106>;
Temper et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0114>).
In their case, their proud names are important because indigenous
identity is one of their main instruments of self-defence after
centuries of colonization exacerbated by the growth of the global social
metabolism (Hanaček et al., 2020
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0045>,
for the Arctic).
Unfair ecological distribution is inherent to capitalism, defined by
Kapp (1950)
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0050>
as a system of cost-shifting. In environmental neoclassical economics,
the preferred terms are “market failure” and “externalities”, a
terminology implying that through forced commensuration such
externalities would be valued in monetary terms and internalized into
the price system. If we would wrongly accept economic commensuration and
reject incommensurability of values, then “equivalent” eco-compensation
mechanisms could be introduced. However, in ecological economics and
political ecology we accept that there are value system contests.
Institutional structures and power relations determine which values can
be expressed, and the strength with which they can be expressed. The
social actors in the world movement for environmental justice display
many different valuation languages, their values are often
incommensurable (at least to start with) with money valuation of
damages. Who has the power to reject valuation languages such as
livelihood, sacredness, rights of nature, indigenous territorial rights,
archaeological values, and ecological or aesthetic values in their own
units of account? Who gives mainstream economists the power they have?
Will the visibility of EDCs help to subvert the power of economists and
the capitalist industrial system, changing the political agenda?
(Martinez-Alier, 2002
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0069>;
Charbonnier, 2019
<https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214790X21000289?dgcid=author#bib0022>).
Acknowledgement
ERC Adv.Grant 695446.
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